HAROLD    L.    LEUPP 


THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

DAVIS 


THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 


CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  GENERAL  AND 
SENATOR  SHERMAN  FROM  1837  TO  1891 


EDITED  BY 

EACHEL  SHEEMAN  THOENDIKE 


WITH  PORTRAITS 


NEW   YORK 

CHAELES   SCEIBNEE'S   SONS 
1894 


LIBRARY    ' 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
PAWS 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

W.  T.  Sherman's  entry  at  West  Point— Earliest  letters  to  his 
brother  — John  a  rodman  in  Ohio  — Feeling  towards  England 
—  Class-standing  at  graduation  —  Opinion  of  engineering  and 
of  law  as  professions — Partiality  for  farming  —  Letters  from 
Fort  Pierce,  his  first  station  —  Description  of  Florida  —  Com 
ments  on  the  Indian  wars  —  Impatience  at  their  nature  and 
prolongation  —  First  promotion  —  Life  at  St.  Augustine  —  On 
leave  in  Ohio  —  Account  of  his  journey  through  Georgia  — War 
with  Mexico  —  Sails  for  California  —  Description  of  his  voyage 
thither .  1 


II 

First  letter  from  John  Sherman  —  Progress  of  the  Mexican  War  — 
Predicts  political  break-up,  owing  to  the  war  —  Majority  of  the 
country  opposed  to  it  —  Letters  from  Tecumseh  from  Monterey 

—  The  situation  in  California — The  gold  excitement  and  its 
effect  on  labor,  trade,  and  prices  —  Desertion  of  soldiers  and 
sailors  —  Marriage  to  Miss  Ewing — Death  of  President  Taylor 

—  Goes  to  New  Orleans  — Resigns  from  the  army  and  enters  the 
banking  firm  of  Lucas,  Turner  &  Co.  —  Goes  to  San  Francisco 
to  establish  a  branch— John's  election  to  Congress  — The  San 
Francisco  Vigilance  Committee  —  Abandons  banking  —  The 
Pacific  Railroad  scheme  —  Beginnings  of  the  civil  struggle  — 
Letter  on  the  Italian  War  of  '59  —  Letter  from  John  Sherman 
from  Paris  —  Impressions  of  foreign  countries  and  peoples       .      37 


III 

General  Sherman's  feeling  towards  the  South  —  Counsels  mod 
eration  to  his  brother  —  Helper's  "The  Impending  Crisis"  — 
John  Sherman  on  the  Speakership  —  His  New  York  speech  in 

v 


vi  CONTENTS 


PAGE 

April,  1860  —  Comments  of  General  Sherman  —  Favors  Seward 
as  against  Lincoln  —  John  Sherman  on  Republican  policy 
towards  the  South  —  The  situation  in  Louisiana  —  Seizure  of 
the  Baton  Rouge  Arsenal  —  Resignation  from  the  Louisiana 
Military  Academy  —  Predicts  ruin  of  politicians  and  rise  to 
power  of  military  men  —  Believes  war  inevitable  —  Interview 
with  Lincoln —  "  Oh,  well,  I  guess  we'll  manage  to  keep  house  " 
—  Secession  of  Virginia  —  Praise  of  McClellan  —  Witnesses 
the  first  fighting  in  the  West  —  Early  judgment  of  Thomas  — 
Re-enters  the  army  as  Colonel  of  13th  Infantry  ....  76 


IV 

In  command  of  a  brigade  of  McDowell's  army  —  Bull  Run  —  At 
Fort  Corcoran  —  Ordered  West  with  General  Anderson  —  At  Cin 
cinnati — John  Sherman  engaged  in  recruiting  —  Difficulties  of 
saving  Kentucky  to  the  Union  —  Sherman  succeeds  Anderson 
on  the  latter's  resignation  —  Weakness  of  his  position  at  Louis 
ville—Reports  to  General  Halleck  at  St.  Louis  — At  Benton 
Barracks — Halleck's  difficulties — Ordered  to  Paducah  —  Dif 
ferent  opinions  of  the  brothers  regarding  McClellan  —  John 
Sherman  on  the  Congressional  Session  of  1861-62  —  The  battle 
of  Shiloh —  Indignation  of  General  Sherman  at  false  newspaper 
reports  —  Promoted  to  major-general  —  Division  order  after 
occupation  of  Corinth 125 


Halleck  succeeds  McClellan  —  Sherman  ordered  to  Memphis  — 
Losses  through  f  urloughs  —  Discouragement  at  the  North  in  the 
autumn  of  1862  —  The  election  —  Explanation  of  the  Republi 
can  disasters  by  John  Sherman  —  General  Sherman  leaves 
Memphis  with  18,000  men,  and  joins  Grant  —  Back  in  Memphis 
—  Starts  on  the  expedition  against  Vicksburg  —  Failure  of  the 
attack  —  John  Sherman  on  Banks  —  McClernand  in  command  — 
Comments  of  General  Sherman  —  Hostility  of  the  newspapers 
on  account  of  his  objection  to  correspondents  —  His  censure  of 
the  press  since  the  beginning  of  the  war  — Alarm  at  the  con 
solidation  of  regiments 159 


VI 

The  movement  against  Grand  Gulf  —  John  Sherman  on  the  prog 
ress  of  the  war  —  The  fall  of  Vicksburg  —  Change  of  senti- 


CONTENTS  vii 


ment  in  regard  to  General  Sherman  —  His  increasing  popular 
ity  —  Effects  of  the  reduction  of  Vicksburg  —  The  draft  — 
Activity  of  industries  in  spite  of  war  —  Sherman's  opinion  of 
Grant  —  Letter  to  Major  Sawyer  —  The  ethics  of  warfare  — 
The  march  through  Georgia  —  General  Sherman's  comments 
on  the  difficulties  in  his  way  and  the  character  of  his  accom 
plishment —  The  Soldier  Vote  —  Letter  to  Speaker  Coif  ax  — 
John  Sherman  Chairman  of  the  Senate  Finance  Committee  — 
Special  Field  Order  No.  6 201 


VII 


Enthusiasm  over  the  capture  of  Savannah  and  the  victory  of 
Nashville  —  Lee's  sorrow --The  terms  to  Johnston  —  Stanton's 
motives  in  the  controversy  —  Difficulties  of  reconstruction  — 
Ordered  to  command  the  Division  of  the  Mississippi  at  St. 
Louis  —  Letter  of  General  Cox  on  negro  suffrage  —  Stanton's 
interference  with  army  discipline  —  John  Sherman's  views  on 
reconstruction  —  General  Sherman  on  the  submission  of  the 
Southern  people  —  Effect  of  the  war  on  the  ideas  of  leading 
capitalists  —  The  new  oath  of  allegiance  —  Grant's  report  — 
The  march  north  from  Savannah  —  Re-election  of  Senator 
Sherman  —  Dangerous  policy  of  Sumner  and  Stevens  —  The 
burning  of  Columbia  —  Grant's  political  ambition  —  Letter 
from  Superintendent  Boyd 245 


VIII 


Johnson's  reconstruction  policy  —  Severe  comments  by  Senator 
Sherman  —  Strictly  impartial  attitude  maintained  by  General 
Sherman  —  His  mission  to  Mexico  —  Removals  of  officeholders 
by  the  President  —  General  Sherman  on  the  situation  in  Mex 
ico  —  The  Fourteenth  Amendment  —  Eulogy  of  General  Custer 

—  Reconstruction  in  1867  —  Napoleon  III.  on  General  Sherman 

—  The  Indian  troubles  in  the  West  —  Candidacy  of  Grant  and 
Chase  for  the  Presidency  —  The  Indian  Commission's  incom 
plete  work —  General  Sherman's  advice  to  Johnson  —  The  re 
moval  of  Stanton  —  Sherman's  invincible  opposition  to  being 
in  Washington  —  Efforts  of  the  President  to  make  him  Secre 
tary  of  War  — Difficulties  of  his  position  — The  impeachment 
proceedings  —  Comment  of  General  Sherman      ....    275 


viii  CONTENTS 

IX 

PAGE 

A  new  Indian  Commission  —  Condition  of  the  Navajos  — The  Im 
peachment  vote  —  Kemoval  of  the  Sioux — The  canvass  of  1868 

—  Election  of  General  Grant  —  The  question  of  resumption  of 
specie  payments  —  The  country  too  much  governed  —  General 
Sherman's  Southern  trip  in  18G9 — Succeeds  General  Grant  as 
General  of  the  Army  —  Necessity  of  arriving  at  a  specie  basis 

—  Trip  West  to  the  Pacific  —  Declines  vigorously  all  political 
office  — Unsatisfactory  administration  of  army  matters  —  Trip 
abroad  on  the  Wabash  —  Re-election  of  Senator  Sherman  — 
Italian  days  — From  Constantinople  to  Paris— Removal  to  St. 
Louis— Use  of  the  army  in  the  South— General  Sherman's 
Memoirs 317 


Criticism  of  the  Memoirs  —  Differences  with  Belknap  —  Senator 
Sherman  endorses  Hayes  —  Belknap's  downfall  — President 
Garfield's  assassination  —  Telegram  from  General  Sherman 
announcing  the  fact  and  relating  subsequent  news — Reply  to 
charges  by  Senator  Beck  — The  Act  of  Compulsory  Retirement 
of  Army  Officers — Presidential  candidates  in  1884  —  Invincible 
repugnance  of  General  Sherman  to  accept  a  nomination  — 
General  Sherman  on  Jefferson  Davis  —  John  Sherman  elected 
Senator  for  the  fourth  time — General  Hancock's  death  and 
funeral  —  Removal  of  General  Sherman  to  New  York  —  Esti 
mate  of  Burnside  —  The  return  of  captured  rebel  flags  —  West 
ern  trip  of  John  Sherman  —  Views  as  to  annexation  of  Can 
ada  and  Mexico  — The  Civil  Service  —  Closing  years  of  General 
Sherman's  life 345 


THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 


THE   SHERMAN  LETTERS 


W.  T.  Sherman's  entry  at  West  Point  —  Earliest  letters  to  his  brother 

—  John  a  rodman  in  Ohio  —  Feeling  towards  England  —  Class-stand* 
ing  at  graduation  —  Opinion  of  engineering  and  of  law  as  professions 

—  Partiality  for  farming  —  Letters  from  Fort  Pierce,  his  first  sta 
tion —  Description  of  Florida  —  Comments  on  the  Indian  wars  — 
Impatience  at  their  nature  and  prolongation  —  First  promotion  — 
Life  at  St.  Augustine  —  On  leave  in  Ohio  —  Account  of  his  journey 
through  Georgia  —  War  with  Mexico  —  Sails  for  California  —  De 
scription  of  his  voyage  thither 

IN  the  year  1836  William  Tecumseh  Sherman,  then  a 
lad  of  sixteen,  entered  West  Point  as  a  cadet.  He  was 
appointed  from  his  native  State,  Ohio.  He  travelled  east 
by  stage,  spent  a  week  at  Washington,  a  few  days  in 
Philadelphia,  and  another  week  in  New  York,  thus 
becoming,  for  his  age  and  time,  a  much-travelled  boy. 
He  is  described  as  being  a  tall,  slim,  loose-jointed  lad, 
with  red  hair,  fair,  burned  skin,  and  piercing  black 
eyes.  He  himself  says  that  in  New  York  some  of  his 
relations  looked  upon  him  as  "  an  untamed  animal  just 
caught  in  the  Far  West."  He  must  indeed  have  had  a 
rural  look.  That  his  strong  individuality  and  intense 
interest  in  life  were  even  then  developed  none  who  knew 
him  later  can  doubt. 

His  earliest  letters  are  labored  and  boyish.  He  had 
not  acquired  a  vocabulary  or  the  fluency  of  pen  which 
later  developed  itself  to  an  almost  wonderful  degree. 
He  was  nervous  and  quick  in  all  his  thoughts  and 
actions.  He  wrote  a  running  hand,  difficult  to  read,  and 
rendered  so  by  the  race  his  pen  had  to  run  with  his 
thoughts.  His  boyish  letters  are  interesting,  therefore, 
only  because  they  are  his,  and  I  have  quoted  but  few  of 
them.  He  was  three  years  older  than  his  brother  John, 

1 


2  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

and  in  some  cases  assumed  the  role  of  adviser  in  an 
amusing  way.  In  giving  these  letters  to  the  public,  I 
presuppose  some  knowledge  of  my  father's  and  uncle's 
lives,  and  shall  only  note  the  chief  events,  in  order  to 
connect  the  letters.  The  first  letter  was  written,  as  may 
be  seen,  eighteen  months  after  my  father's  entrance  at 
West  Point. 

WEST  POINT,  N.Y.,  Dec.  6,  1837. 

Dear  Brother:  In  compliance  with  your  request  I 
sent  you  a  paper  shortly  after  the  reception  of  your 
letter,  which  I  should  have  answered  much  sooner  had  I 
not  been  till  within  a  few  days  past  under  the  im 
pression  that  it  had  been  done.  This  excuse  is  suffi 
cient,  I  suppose,  for  my  long  delay,  especially  as  a  letter 
from  me  is  not  very  desirable. 

I  hope  that  you  still  have  as  favorable  opinions  as  ever 
with  respect  to  your  employment,1  for  in  my  opinion  a 
man's  success  in  his  profession  depends  upon  the  impres 
sions  he  receives  at  the  beginning ;  for  if  these  are  favor 
able,  most  undoubtedly  he  will  endeavor  to  succeed,  and 
success  will  be  the  necessary  consequence.  You  have 
now  been  engaged  at  that  employment  about  a  year  and 
must  be  by  this  time  quite  an  expert  engineer.  I  would 
not  be  much  astonished  if  when  I  came  home  I  would 
find  you  superintendent  of  some  public  work.  I  have 
not  received  many  letters  from  home  lately ;  in  fact, 
I  am  almost  too  busy  to  write  many,  and  if  I  do  not 
answer  all  their  letters  immediately  upon  their  recep 
tion,  they  follow  my  example  apparently,  which  is  the 
cause  of  it,  I  presume;  but  after  our  examination  in 
January  I  will  endeavor  to  be  a  little  more  punctual  and 

1  John  Sherman  was  then,  at  the  age  of  fourteen,  junior  rodman  in 
an  engineer  corps,  engaged  in  the  improvement  of  the  Muskingham 
River,  Ohio.  Particulars  of  his  life  will  follow  in  introducing  his 
letters. 


STANDING  AT   WEST  POINT  3 

expect  the  same  of  my  correspondents.  At  present  we 
are  very  much  engaged  in  preparing  for  the  examination 
which  takes  place  immediately  after  Christmas.  I  think 
I  will  still  have  about  the  same  standing  as  I  have  now 
in  Mathematics  and  French,  but  in  Drawing  I  think  I  will 
be  among  the  first  five.  Preparation  for  the  Christmas 
spree  is  now  all  the  go.  I  have  joined  in  with  about  a 
dozen  others  and  laid  the  foundation  for  a  very  good 
dinner  costing  about  three  dollars  apiece.  I  wish  we 
could  get  ahold  of  some  of  our  western  turkeys,  chickens, 
and  the  like,  which  cannot  be  obtained  here  except  at  an 
enormous  price,  and  as  money  is  something  to  us  like 
teeth,  we  are  obliged  to  go  without.  Winter  seems  to  be 
very  reluctant  about  setting  in.  The  weather  at  present 
is  more  like  spring  than  winter.  This  time  last  winter, 
the  river  was  closed,  and  we  had  fine  skating,  but  no 
doubt  it  will  soon  set  in  with  a  vengeance,  giving  us  our 
full  share  of  north  winds,  which  it  generally  deals  out 
very  liberally  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  Highlands.  It  is 
now  about  half-past  nine,  and  we  are  obliged  to  go  to  bed 
at  ten.  You  must,  therefore,  allow  me  to  come  to  a 
conclusion,  wishing  you  at  the  same  time  to  give  my  best 
love  to  all  the  family  when  you  next  write  home.  Do 
not  fail  to  write  soon.  From 

Your  affectionate  brother, 
JOHN  SHERMAN,  Esqr.  W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

The  second  letter  was  written  when,  at  the  end  of  his 
second  year,  he  returned  to  Ohio  on  his  two  months' 
furlough.  I  have  often  heard  my  mother  say  how  his 
training  at  West  Point  had  developed  him  physically; 
how  straight  and  strong  he  was,  how  clear  and  bright-eyed, 
and  what  light-heartedness  and  pride  were  in  his  bearing 
and  tread.  He  evidently  failed  that  summer  to  see 
John,  who  was  at  work  in  another  part  of  the  State. 


4  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

WEST  POINT,  N.Y.,  Sept.  15,  1838. 

Dear  Brother:  I  did  go  to  the  salt  works,  as  I  pro 
posed  when  you  were  at  home,  and  was  there  three 
or  four  days.  While  there  I  made  arrangements  to 
go  with  the  Misses  Clark  to  a  relative  of  theirs  (Mr. 
Walker),  from  thence  to  Beverly;  but  unfortunately  it 
rained,  and  we  got  several  duckings  before  we  got  to 
Mr.  W.'s  (twelve  miles),  and  when  there  was  told  it 
was  thirty  miles  farther.  Consequently  I  was  obliged, 
much  against  my  wish,  to  relinquish  my  design  of  vis 
iting  you.  After  a  few  days7  stay  at  the  salt  works,  we 
returned  to  Lancaster.  When  I  had  been  home  a  few 
days  grandma  and  Taylor1  came  down  from  Mansfield 
on  the  way  to  Dayton.  Mother,  Lamp,2  and  I  accom 
panied  them,  and  had  a  very  fine  trip.  Lamp  and  I  went 
to  Oxford  College  to  see  Phil,3  from  there  to  Cincinnati, 
where  I  stayed  a  couple  of  days,  then  returned  to  Dayton, 
where  I  found  them  all  ready  to  return  home.  We  trav 
elled  together  until  we  got  to  Columbus,  where  we  found 
Mr.  Ewing.  Mother  and  the  rest  went  on  home.  Phil 
and  I  remained  until  the  next  day,  and  then  went  home 
in  the  carriage.  My  furlough  had  nearly  expired,  and 
I  could  only  stay  home  two  days  more,  at  the  end  of 
which  time  James,4  grandma,  and  I  went  to  Mansfield, 
where  we  found  them  all  well  except  Mr.  Parker,  who 
was  not  very  well.  We  stopped  at  'Mary's  and  Uncle 
John's  a  few  minutes  on  our  way  up.  From  Mansfield  I 
went  with  Taylor  in  his  buggy  to  Sandusky  on  the  lake. 
We  stopped  all  night  at  Uncle  Daniel's,  whom  I  saw  for 
the  first  time.  He  is  a  very  fine  old  man,  but  I  do  not 

1  His  eldest  brother,  afterwards  called  Charles. 

2  A  younger  brother,  Lampson. 

8  Philemon  Ewing,  eldest  son  of  Hon.  Thomas  Ewing. 
4  Still  another  brother. 


BROTHERLY  ADVICE  5 

think  he  resembles  father  (if  you  recollect  him).  From 
Sandusky  I  went  to  Buffalo  by  water,  then  to  Niagara 
Falls,  thence  to  New  York  City,  where  I  spent  two  days 
with  our  relatives,  then  to  West  Point,  where  I  have 
been  a  little  more  than  two  weeks  studying  very  hard 
indeed. 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

In  the  next  letter,  dated  October  15th,  is  a  touch  of 
elder-brotherly  advice.  The  one  following,  of  June  9, 
1839,  begins  to  show  greater  fluency  and  ease  of  expres 
sion.  He  is  evidently  worried  over  rumors  from  home  of 
John's  speculations  in  salt.  Considering  John's  age  and 
his  own,  respectively  not  yet  sixteen  and  nineteen  years, 
the  trouble  of  mind  seems  premature.  The  speculation 
did  not  turn  out  successfully,  but  would  have  done  so 
had  not  the  river  refused  to  rise  at  the  proper  moment. 
But  the  risks  were  so  small  that  they  failed  seriously  to 
cripple  John's  prospects  in  life. 

In  the  next  letter,  of  April  13th,  the  young  cadet  ex 
presses  his  satisfaction  at  the  failure  of  his  brother's 
speculations,  fearing  that  success  might  have  lured  him 
into  greater  temptations.  The  belligerent  spirit  shown 
against  Great  Britain  was  very  shortly  outgrown. 

WEST  POINT,  N.Y.,  Oct.  15,  1838. 
Dear  Brother  : 

I  suppose  that  by  this  time  you  have  become  quite  an 
expert  engineer,  —  much  better  acquainted  with  "  Jacob 
staffs,"  chains,  compasses,  etc.,  than  you  used  to  be 
with  Euclid  and  Virgil;  and  I  hope  to  hear  from  you 
soon  that  you  have  become  highly  pleased  with  your 
occupation. 

I  presume  that  you  will  not  be  able  to  work  all  winter, 
on  account  of  the  cold,  and  during  this  time  no  doubt 


6  THE    SHERMAN   LETTERS 

you  will  go  home ;  and  if  you  are  detained  there  by  the 
weather,  which  will  probably  be  the  case,  I  would  advise 
you  to  continue  your  study  of  the  mathematics  or  what 
ever  else  may  be  connected  with  your  business.  You 
must  write  to  me  soon,  and  tell  me  all  about  your  cam 
paign  or  trip,  and  what  particular  office  you  fill  in  the 
company,  etc.,  etc.  Excuse  the  shortness  of  this. 
Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHEKMAX. 

MILITARY  ACADEMY, 
WEST  POINT,  Jan.  9,  1839. 

Dear  Brother :  I  am  now  writing  upon  the  risk  of  your 
not  receiving  this,  for  I  hear  that  you  are  engaged  in 
speculating  in  salt,  and  are  waiting  for  the  river  to  rise 
to  take  a  load  down  to  Cincinnati.  Are  you  doing  this 
on  borrowed  capital  or  not?  Or  does  it  interfere  in  the 
least  with  your  duties  as  engineer  ?  If  it  does,  I  would 
advise  you  not  to  engage  in  it  at  any  rate,  even  if  you 
can  make  a  fortune  by  it ;  for  a  reputation  for  a  strict 
and  rigid  compliance  to  one's  duties,  whatever  they  may 
be,  is  far  more  valuable  than  a  dozen  loads  of  salt.  If, 
however,  you  do  engage  in  it,  of  course  I  wish  you 
success,  a  pleasant  trip  to  Cincinnati,  and  hope  you  will 
make  a  long  stay,  for  Lampson's  sake. 

I  suppose  you  know  that  we  have  two  examinations 
here  every  year,  one  in  January  and  the  other  in  June. 
At  the  latter  a  number  of  gentlemen  from  all  parts  of 
the  United  States  attend  by  invitation  of  the  Secretary 
of  War,  and  of  course  we  all  endeavor  to  be  well  prepared 
in.  our  studies,  both  for  our  own  good  and  that  the  per 
sons  (always  influential)  may  carry  off  a  good  opinion 
of  the  Institution.  The  course  of  studies  we  are  en 
gaged  in  this  year  has  always  had  the  reputation  of  being 


HOSTILITY  TO  ENGLAND  7 

the  most  difficult  of  the  four,  and  that  justly ;  therefore 
to  be  prepared  for  the  coming  June  examination  I  expect 
to  be  very  studious  and  busy,  and  if  between  this  time 
and  then  I  be  not  very  regular  in  my  correspondence,  you 
may  know  what  to  attribute  it  to  and  excuse  it. 
Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

MILITARY  ACADEMY, 
WEST  POINT,  N.Y.,  April  13,  1839. 
Dear  Brother  : 

It  appears  that  although  you  were  pleased  with  Cin 
cinnati  as  a  city,  you  were  not  with  the  visit,  taken  all 
in  all.  From  this  I  judge  that  your  speculations  did  not 
turn  out  as  well  as  expected.  You  must  not  be  aston 
ished  if  I  say  that  if  such  be  the  case  I  am  glad  of  it, 
because,  had  you  succeeded,  your  attention  would  have 
been  turned  from  your  present  business,  with  your  suc 
cess  in  which  so  many  are  interested.  I  presume  by 
this  time  you  must  be  nearly  done  with  the  works  on  the 
Muskingum.  Those  dams  and  locks  of  which  you  have 
spoken  will  no  doubt  be  some  of  the  finest  specimens  of 
workmanship  in  Ohio,  and  the  more  I  think  of  it,  the 
more  I  regret  that  I  did  not  go  and  see  them  last  sum 
mer.  By  the  arrangement  I  suppose  steamboats  will  be 
able  to  go  up  as  far  as  Zanesville.  I  presume  you  have 
heard  of  these  Maine  difficulties  before  now.  All  is  now 
calm  in  that  quarter,  the  troops  having  been  withdrawn 
from  the  disputed  territory  by  both  parties,  and  as  far  as 
our  Government  is  concerned  the  thing  is  in  a  fair  way  of 
being  amicably  adjusted,  but  doubts  are  entertained  with 
regard  to  the  course  which  England  will  adopt.  All 
anxiously  await  the  return  of  the  steamship  Great  West 
ern  which  carried  out  the  news,  and  as  the  time  of  her 


8  THE    SHERMAN   LETTERS 

usual  return  has  passed  by  several  days,  it  is  supposed 
that  the  time  of  her  departure  from  England  had  been 
delayed  in  order  to  receive  the  news  by  the  ship  Liver 
pool,  that  left  New  York  about  eight  or  ten  days  after 
her ;  and  as  among  the  latter  were  the  proceedings  of 
Congress  and  the  President's  message,  there  is  every 
.reason  to  expect  by  this  vessel  some  decisive  news,  and 
if  they  are  ready  for  war,  I  think  we  will  soon  be.  For 
my  part,  there  is  no  nation  that  I  would  prefer  being  at 
variance  with  than  the  British,  in  this  case  more  espe 
cially  as  our  cause  is  plainly  right  and  just.  If  anything 
occurs  soon,  I  will  write  again  or  send  the  paper  contain 
ing  it.  ... 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

The  following  group  of  letters  carry  the  cadet  through 
his  graduation  and  into  his  twenty-first  year.  They  are 
already  very  consequential  and  full  of  ideas  of  affairs, 
even  discussing  State  debts  and  the  advantages  of  farm 
ing  life.  But  they  show  his  life  at  West  Point  to  have 
been  happy  and  contented.  As  he  says  himself  in  his 
memoirs,  he  never  rose  above  the  ranks ;  was  never 
chosen  to  be  an  officer ;  and  yet,  except  for  his  demerits, 
his  standing  was  excellent.  And  he  seems  always  con 
tented  with  his  treatment,  though  looking  forward  to 
freedom  from  duties  after  graduation.  His  grave  reason 
ing  on  a  choice  of  army  corps  is  most  natural,  as  every 
young  cadet  knows,  and  the  reasons  that  influenced  him 
are  still  about  the  same. 

MILITARY  ACADEMY, 
WEST  POINT,  N.Y.,  Aug.  31,  1839. 
Dear  Brother : 

The  encampment  (my  last)  is  now  over,  and  we  are 
once  more  in  barracks  and  to-morrow  will  commence  our 
studies,  commencing  with  Civil  Engineering.  This  year's 


ANXIOUS  FOB   GRADUATION  9 

course  of  study  is  by  far  the  most  important  of  the  four, 
as  well  as  the  most  interesting,  embracing  as  it  does 
Engineering  both  Civil  and  Military,  the  construction  of 
fortifications  as  well  as  the  manner  of  attacking  and  de 
fending  them,  Mineralogy  and  Geology,  Rhetoric,  Moral 
Philosophy,  International  and  Common  Law,  Artillery 
and  Infantry  Tactics,  as  well  as  many  other  minor 
studies,  which  the  scientific  officer  requires.  When 
these  shall  have  been  completed,  and  the  next  nine 
months  shall  have  passed  away,  we  will  receive  diplo 
mas  and  commissions  in  the  army,  and  I  hope  a  furlough 
along  with  them.  Of  course  we  look  forward  with  no 
common  pleasure  to  so  fruitful  a  time  as  that ;  indeed, 
every  circumstance  which  marks  its  approach  is  duly 
celebrated  and  remembered;  instance,  the  last  night  of 
our  last  encampment. 

MILITARY  ACADEMY, 
WEST  POINT,  N.Y.,  Jan.  14,  1840. 
My  Dear  Brother : 

The  examination  is  just  over ;  the  result  is  favorable 
toward  me,  as  usual.  In  Engineering  I  am  fourth  in  my 
class,  in  Geology  and  Rhetoric  and  Moral  Philosophy 
each  sixth;  as  to  demerits  I  have  also  a  respectable 
number,  about  one  hundred.  The  studies  and  exercises 
will  be  for  the  remainder  of  the  academic  year  exclu 
sively  military  and  important,  and  will  engage  us  suffi 
ciently  to  make  the  time  pass  pleasantly  and  rapidly. 
You  may  well  suppose  that  we  are  all  anxious  for  the 
arrival  of  June;  the  thoughts  of  graduation,  the  free 
dom  from  academic  labors  and  restraints,  already  engross 
our  minds  and  form  the  subjects  of  all  our  conversations 
and  talks.  Already  have  we  given  directions  for  a  class 
ring,  for  graduating  trunks,  for  swords,  epaulettes,  hats, 


10  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

chapeaux,  and  feathers,  and  in  a  couple  of  months  the 
military  tailor  will  be  here  from  the  city  to  take  our 
measures  for  uniform  dress  and  undress  coats,  cit's 
clothes,  pants,  etc.,  etc.  Thus  you  see  that  by  adding 
things  of  this  nature,  which  will  constantly  keep  the 
future  before  our  minds,  we  break  in  upon  and  enliven 
our  otherwise  monotonous  life. 

What  have  you  been  doing  all  winter  ?  Studying,  or 
nothing  ?  I  am  beginning  to  think  that  engineering  is 
not  the  thing  it  is  cracked  up  to  be.  It  does  not  give 
constant  employment  to  the  engineer,  who  cannot,  there 
fore,  rely  upon  a  sure  and  constant  reward  for  his  labors. 
His  duties,  whilst  engaged,  are  exceedingly  laborious  and 
irksome,  or  of  the  other  equally  disagreeable  extreme; 
beside  these,  the  prosecution  of  the  different  improve 
ments  depends  upon  the  States  within  which  they  lie, 
and  there  is  but  little  doubt  that  the  policy  of  most  of 
the  State  governments  will  soon  change  in  reference  to 
their  internal  works,  to  paying  more  and  borrowing  less, 
and  allow  the  improvements  to  grow  with  their  wealth 
and  population.  By  examining  the  public  records  you 
will  see  that  the  State  debts  are  truly  enormous,  and  if 
they  attempt  to  pay  them,  they  will  undoubtedly  stop 
all  expenditures  which  are  not  absolutely  necessary.  I 
noticed  in  yesterday's  paper  that  the  governor  of  Penn 
sylvania  vetoed  six  or  seven  bills  granting  money  for  dif 
ferent  purposes,  and  returned  them  to  the  Legislature, 
assigning  as  a  reason  the  absolute  necessity  of  paying 
the  debts.  I  have  mentioned  these  things  to  you  that 
you  may  reflect,  while  there  is  still  time,  of  the  propriety 
of  selecting  means  to  be  resorted  to  in  case  of  necessity. 
What  more  naturally  suggests  itself  than  a  farm  ?  Who 
can  be  more  independent,  more  honest  and  honorable, 


LIFE  AT   WEST  POINT  11 

who  more  sure  of  a  full  reward  for  his  labor,  who  can 
bestow  more  benefits  on  his  fellow-beings,  and  conse 
quently  be  more  happy,  than  an  American  farmer  ?  If 
by  any  means  you  may  be  able  to  get  some  land  in  Ohio, 
Iowa,  or  Wisconsin,  you  should  do  so  by  all  means,  and 
more  especially  if  it  is  partially  improved.  I  do  not 
mean  for  the  purpose  of  speculation,  but  to  make  use  of 
yourself. 

Give  my  love  to  all  the  family,  and  oblige  me  by 
writing  soon. 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

MILITARY  ACADEMY, 
WEST  POINT,  N.Y.,  March  7,  1840. 

My  Dear  Brother :  I  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  your 
last  in  my  letter  to  mother,  since  which  time  I  have 
been  waiting  in  hopes  that  something  might  turn  up  to 
write  you  about ;  but  although  the  river  has  opened,  and 
is  alive  with  steamboats  and  sloops,  still  West  Point 
appears  as  dull  as  ever;  in  fact,  the  only  visitors  we 
have  had  so  far  have  been  tailors,  shoemakers,  etc.,  etc., 
who  prowl  about  us,  knowing  our  inexperience  and  the 
necessity  we  are  under  of  getting  a  full  supply  of  cloth 
ing  at  their  prices.  The  snow  has  entirely  disappeared, 
and  for  the  past  three  weeks  the  weather  has  been  beau 
tiful,  and  reminds  me  very  much  of  sugar-making  times 
at  home,  and  I  have  no  doubt,  if  your  weather  has  been 
as  fine  as  ours  here,  your  farmers  have  not  been  idle 
in  their  camps.  An  evening  at  old  Mr.  Buchanan's  or 
Wilson's  sugar-camp  would  be  great. 

I  presume  the  idea  of  your  studying  law  has  been 
decided  upon  by  Mr.  Eeese  and  Taylor,  so  that  it  would 
be  rather  impertinent  for  me  to  object  in  the  least;  but 


12  THE   SHERMAN  LETTERS 

for  my  part,  it  would  be  my  last  choice.  Everybody 
studies  law  nowadays,  and  to  be  a  lawyer  without  being 
exceedingly  eminent  —  which  it  is  to  be  hoped  you  will 
be  some  day  —  is  not  a  sufficient  equivalent  for  their 
risks  and  immense  study  and  labor.  However,  if  you 
decide  upon  anything,  you  should  immediately  commence 
to  carry  it  into  execution.  As  to  me,  I  am  already  pro 
vided  for.  As  soon  as  I  graduate  I  am  entitled  by  law 
to  a  commission  in  the  army,  and  from  my  standing  in 
the  class  to  a  choice  of  corps.  To  be  stationed  in  the 
east  or  west,  to  be  in  the  artillery,  infantry,  or  dragoons, 
depends  entirely  on  my  choice.  This  choice  will  be, 
unless  war  breaks  out  with  England,  the  Fifth  Eegiment 
of  Infantry,  because  it  is  stationed  on  the  northwest 
frontier,  a  country  which  I  have  always  felt  a  strong 
inclination  to  see ;  and  if  it  meets  my  ideas,  formed  from 
descriptions  of  travellers  and  officers,  it  must  be  the 
finest  spot  on  this  continent.  Also  it  is  probable  that 
the  Indians  will  break  out  again,  in  which  case  I  should 
have  an  opportunity  of  seeing  some  active  service. 
Should  war,  however,  be  the  consequence  of  this  Maine 
difficulty,  I  should  prefer  the  artillery,  for  the  reason 
that  it  is  stationed  east  of  the  mountains,  which  would 
be  the  seat  of  war,  and  it  is  an  arm  of  service  which  I 
would  prefer  in  a  war  against  a  civilized  people.  But  as 
there  is  scarce  a  possibility  of  this,  I  have  concluded  to  go 
to  the  west,  and  have  accordingly  ordered  an  infantry  uni 
form.  Whether  I  remain  in  the  army  for  life  or  not  is 
doubtful ;  but  one  thing  is  certain, —  that  I  will  never  study 
another  profession.  Should  I  resign,  it  would  be  to  turn 
farmer,  if  ever  I  can  raise  enough  to  buy  a  good  farm  in 
Iowa.  ...  If  I  can  spare  money  when  I  am  at  the  city 
of  New  York,  I  intend  to  get  one  of  Colt's  patent  rifles 
to  shoot  ten  times  in  succession  as  fast  as  you  can  cock 


DESCRIPTION  OF  FLORIDA  13 

and  pull  the  trigger.  They  cost  from  $40  to  $60,  more 
than,  I  fear,  I  can  spare.  I  have  been  very  well  indeed  all 
winter.  Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

His  leave  after  graduation  was  passed  in  Ohio,  where 
he  seems  to  have  reverted  to  his  boyish  days  and  amused 
himself  generally.  In  one  letter  he  writes  as  follows :  — 

"  I'm  glad  to  hear  that  you've  got  the  coon.  If  it  is 
no  trouble,  bring  him  when  you  come.  Be  sure  to  tie 
the  chain  to  something,  that  he  may  not  fool  you  the  way 
he  did  me." 

The  following  letters,  from  his  first  post,  Fort  Pierce, 
are  descriptive,  in  answer  to  questions  from  home. 

FORT  PIERCE,  F.f  March  30,  1841. 
My  Dear  Brother : 

The  peninsula  of  Florida  is  of  the  latest  geological  for 
mation,  one  mass  of  sand,  with  few  rocks  of  the  softest  con 
sistency,  and,  were  it  not  for  its  delightful  climate,  would 
be  as  barren  as  the  deserts  of  Africa.  It  is  cut  up  by 
innumerable  rivers,  streams,  and  rivulets,  which,  water 
ing  the  soil,  nourish  a  rank  growth  of  weeds  and  grass, 
which,  continually  decomposing,  gives  a  rich  soil,  and 
gives  rise  in  time  to  a  heavy  growth  of  live  oak,  palmetto, 
and  scrub  of  every  kind.  These  are  the  dreaded  hum 
mocks,  the  stronghold  of  the  Indians,  where  he  builds  his 
hut,  and  has  pumpkin  and  corn  fields.  The  stream  fur 
nishes  him  with  abundance  of  fish  and  alligators,  the 
palmetto  its  cabbage.  The  thick  growth  conceals  his 
little  fire  and  hut,  secures  his  escape,  enables  him  to 
creep  within  a  few  yards  of  the  deer  or  turkey  feeding 
on  the  border,  and  drive  his  copper-headed,  barbed  arrow 
through  the  vital  part.  In  a  word,  the  deep  streams, 
bordered  by  the  dense  hummock,  have  enabled  the  Indians 
thus  far  to  elude  the  pursuit  of  our  army. 


14  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

The  remainder  of  the  country  is  so  very  level  that 
water  will  not  flow  off,  but  collects  in  ponds  until  ab 
sorbed  by  the  sand  or  evaporated.  These  ponds  are  met 
at  every  few  yards,  sometimes  miles  in  extent  and  but 
few  inches  in  depth,  at  other  places  narrow  and  boggy. 
All  else  is  pine  barren,  and  of  course  monotonous. 

As  to  the  history  of  the  war,  —  the  same  as  all  our 
Indian  wars.  A  treaty  for  the  removal  is  formed  by  a 
few  who  represent  themselves  as  the  whole;  the  time 
comes,  and  none  present  themselves.  The  Government 
orders  force  to  be  used ;  the  troops  in  the  territory  com 
mence,  but  are  so  few  that  they  all  get  massacred.  The 
cowardly  inhabitants,  instead  of  rallying,  desert  their 
homes  and  sound  the  alarm-call  for  assistance.  An  army 
supposed  to  be  strong  enough  is  sent,  seeks  and  en 
counters  the  enemy  at  a  place  selected  by  the  latter,  gets 
a  few  hundred  killed.  The  Indians  retreat,  scatter,  and 
are  safe.  This  may  be  repeated  ad  infinitum.  The  best 
officer  is  selected  to  direct  the  affairs  of  the  army,  — 
comes  to  Florida,  exposes  himself,  does  all  he  can,  gets 
abused  by  all,  more  than  likely  breaks  down  his  consti 
tution,  and  is  glad  enough  to  get  out  of  the  scrape. 
Treaties,  truces,  and  armistices  have  been  and  are  still 
being  tried,  with  what  success  is  notorious.  The  present 
mode  of  conducting  things  is  to  dispose  the  troops  at 
fixed  points,  and  require  them  to  scout  and  scour  the 
country  in  their  vicinity, — about  as  good  a  plan  as 
could  be  adopted,  and  one  which  would  terminate  the 
war  if  small  columns  of  a  hundred  or  a  hundred  and 
fifty  men  were  to  make  excursions  into  the  interior. 
We  have  from  this  post  thoroughly  expelled  the  Indians 
from  this  section  of  the  territory,  and  have  had  the  good 
luck  to  kill  some  and  capture  others,  besides  destroying 
and  capturing  boats,  canoes,  etc.  The  same  has  been 


SCOUTING  IN  FLORIDA  15 

done   below  and    throughout  that  district  where  war 
prevails. 

In  the  west,  there  is  peace.  General  A is  buy 
ing  them  up,  and,  what  is  to  be  wondered  at,  has 
learned  wisdom  by  experience.  You  doubtless  know 
that  he  was  most  egregiously  hoaxed  last  fall  by  them, 
but  now  he  places  all  who  come  in  under  a  strong  guard, 
so  they  can't  get  off  this  time.  Some  natter  themselves 
that  there  is  hope  of  the  war's  ending  this  summer,  but 
I  think  there  is  no  probability,  as  they  have  burnt  their 
fields  and  hunting-grounds  to  the  west  and  northwest  of 
us,  and  Sam  Jones  and  Coacoocher  are  still  out,  and  have 
not  the  least  notion  of  coming  in  whilst  they  are  so  strong. 

We  have  just  returned  from  a  very  pleasant  scout, 
having  been  eight  days  out,  examining  several  streams 
that  empty  south  of  us,  without,  however,  accomplishing 
anything  or  seeing  any  sights  except  those  left  by  a  hunt 
ing  party  some  ten  or  twelve  days  previous.  We  went 
to  Jupiter,  famous  for  the  grab  by  General  Jesup ;  from 
this  place  we  went  out  to  the  battle-ground  on  the  Locha 
Hatchee,  where  the  Indians  made  a  stand  against  General 
Jesup  in  1838.  It  was  a  dense  hummock  on  the  stream 
called  Locha  Hatchee,  where  the  army  was  to  pass  on 
the  way  to  Jupiter.  The  trees  were  riddled  with  balls, 
and  several  of  our  men,  who  had  been  at  the  battle, 
pointed  out  the  trees  behind  which  Captain  Such-a-one 
and  Lieutenant  Such,  etc.,  etc.,  stood;  the  limb  over 
which  our  men  crossed  to  get  at  the  enemy;  how  the 
general  got  his  spectacles  smashed  by  a  ball,  etc.,  etc. ; 
how  the  volunteer  militia,  as  usual,  were  seized  with  a 
panic,  gathered  together  like  sheep,  presenting  a  sure 
target  for  the  Indians,  which  of  course  was  not  allowed 
to  pass  unheeded.  Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


16  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

On  January  16th,  he  writes  from  Fort  Pierce  :  — 

Upon  all  scouts  or  expeditions  of  danger,  all  the  offi 
cers  insist  upon  going,  but  as  it  is  necessary  that  at  least 
one  should  stay  at  the  fort,  this  is  done  by  rotation,  and 
upon  the  expedition  to  the  Hanlover,  ninety  miles  dis 
tant,  it  fell  to  my  share  to  remain.  On  the  4th  instant 
the  boats,  seven  in  all,  with  four  officers  and  forty-three 
men,  left  the  fort,  intending  to  travel  by  night  and  lay 
by  by  day ;  but  not  having  a  guide,  and  their  map  being 
incorrect,  they  could  not  find  the  way,  so  on  the  third  day 
out  they  concluded  it  was  best  to  hurry  on  by  day,  reach 
the  point  where  they  expected  to  find  Indians,  and  lie 
concealed ;  but  on  the  fourth  morning  they  espied  a  little 
canoe  in  a  cove,  went  ashore,  found  a  trail,  followed  it, 
and  soon  came  to  a  cluster  of  board  and  palmetto  huts, 
which  they  rushed  upon,  but  only  found  a  negro  family, 
—  man,  wife,  and  two  children,  as  also  an  old  squaw  and 
papoose.  They  secured  these,  and  learned  that  a  party 
of  Indians  living  at  this  place,  and  another  which  our 
party  had  previously  destroyed,  had  gone  up  to  the  Han- 
lover  or  to  the  big  swamp  for  oranges  and  .  The 

negro  said  he  and  his  wife  had  been  stolen  four  years 
previous,  and  had  been  with  them  ever  since.  He  seemed 
quite  rejoiced  at  his  recapture  and  offered  to  act  as  guide. 
He  was  handcuffed,  and  a  noose  fixed  about  his  neck  as 
a  gentle  hint,  then  told  to  go  on.  On  the  5th  (Saturday) 
they  reached  the  Hanlover,  encamped  at  the  Hanlover, 
and  had  the  pleasure  to  receive  the  visit  of  a  horse  at 
daylight  the  next  morning.  They  followed  his  track 
back  for  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile,  and  came  upon  a 
temporary  camp  of  the  Indians.  The  dogs  gave  the 
alarm ;  they  all  rushed  in,  when  you  may  well  suppose 
there  was  a  little  scattering.  Nearly  all  took  to  their 


HANLOVER  EXPEDITION  17 

canoes  or  the  water,  where,  of  course,  they  were  pursued, 
and  after  half  an  hour's  popping  away  and  pursuing,  they 
collected  together,  and  found  that  they  had  killed  two 
warriors,  a  woman,  and  a  child ;  had  captured  three 
warriors,  eight  women,  and  fifteen  children,  two  tolerably 
good  boats,  any  quantity  of  canoes,  pots  and  kettles,  etc., 
corn,  pumpkins,  and  dried  fish,  and  bows  and  arrows, 
rifles,  bullet-bags,  leggins,  moccasins,  etc. ;  all  this,  too, 
on  Sunday.  Having  destroyed  everything  that  could 
not  be  carried  with  ease,  shot  the  horse,  and  secured  the 
prisoners,  they  took  to  their  boats  and  crossed  the  lagoon 
to  the  other  side,  from  whence  the  next  morning  two 
of  the  officers  and  twenty  men  were  sent  over  to  the 
St.  John's,  to  a  place  where,  the  negro  said,  a  couple  of 
families  lived.  They  found  it  as  he  had  said,  but  the 
dogs  gave  the  alarm  before  they  could  be  surrounded; 
but  in  escaping  one  warrior  was  shot,  and  two  squaws 
and  their  two  children,  one  warrior  alone  effecting  his 
escape.  Here  they  found  two  elegant  canoes,  one  of 
mahogany  large  enough  to  carry  twenty  men,  but  were 
destroyed,  not  being  able  to  bring  them  away.  The 
houses  were  burnt,  with  all  the  corn,  pumpkins,  and 
household  stuff.  Thus,  having  captured  all  they  could 
find  in  this  quarter,  and  their  provisions  becoming  scanty, 
they  commenced  their  return,  and  reached  this  post  after 
having  been  out  ten  days,  exposed  to  some  terrible 
showers,  with  hard  rowing  and  little  to  eat,  but  were  in 
good  spirits  from  their  success.  They  brought  with 
them  six  boats  and  thirty-four  prisoners.  They  are 
encamped  here  under  charge  of  the  guard  until  they  can 
be  sent  to  Augustine.  I  wish  you  could  see  the  group  in 
its  savage  state ;  although  many  have  lost  their  husbands 
and  fathers  and  wives  and  children,  yet  they  show  no 
grief.  Several  are  very  badly  wounded ;  one  little  girl, 


18  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

with  a  ball  through,  the  back  and  coming  out  in  the 
cheek,  scarce  utters  a  murmur ;  another  woman,  a  buck 
shot  through  and  through,  bears  it  with  the  fortitude  of 
a  veteran  soldier ;  there  are  several  other  wounds,  given 
accidentally,  of  course,  in  the  pell-mell  of  the  fight  and 
in  the  pursuit  of  the  canoes. 

I,  of  course,  regretted  very  much  not  having  been 
along,  but  consoled  myself  with  the  idea  that  I'll  have  a 
chance  yet.  In  fact,  I  was  on  a  scout  some  time  ago, 
when  we  ran  a  large  boat  and  canoe  ashore,  captured  the 
boats,  but  the  Indians  escaped.  To-night  I  start  with 
fifteen  men  in  three  boats,  my  principal  object  being  to 
capture  an  Indian  for  guide  up  the  St.  Lucie's  River; 
expect  to  be  gone  five  days.  The  boat  has  just  arrived 
from  the  bar ;  it  is  the  schooner  Frances  from  Havana, 
bound  to  Augustine,  so  it  will  answer  my  purpose  of 
sending  this,  though  hurried. 

I  presume  you  have  heard  how  Colonel  Harney  had 
been  in  the  Everglades  capturing  eleven  warriors,  ten  of 
whom  he  hung,  and  twenty-eight  women  and  children. 
This  boat  brings  the  news  that,  seeing  fires  on  the  beach, 
about  ten  miles  this  side  of  Key  Biscayne,  ran  in  and 
fired  a  gun,  which  was  answered  from  shore,  and  pres 
ently  a  small  canoe  came  out,  hailed,  and  four  soldiers  in 
them  taken  aboard.  They  were  four  of  Colonel  Harney's 
men,  who  said  that  it  was  Colonel  Harney's  camp ; 
that  they  had  gone  on  the  1st  instant,  with  two  hundred 
men,  soldiers,  and  marines,  in  boats,  with  a  guide,  to  Sam 
Jones'  camp.  They  had  found  Sam  much  stronger  in 
numbers  than  they  had  expected,  and  admirably  posted, 
so  that  he  could  not  have  attacked  him  without  receiving 
at  least  three  deliberate  shots  from  about  one  hundred 
warriors,  so  the  Colonel  decided  to  return  for  an  acces 
sion  to  his  force.  He  doubtless  took  a  prudent  course, 


FIRST  PROMOTION  19 

though  I  think  he  should  have  attacked  Sam.  The 
secret  of  the  matter  is,  I  think,  he  felt  no  confidence  in 
the  marines  and  sailors,  for  he  is  no  coward.  He  had, 
however,  attacked  a  small  party,  capturing  six  and  kill 
ing  six. 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHEKMAN. 

Through  all  the  letters  during  the  following  spring, 
there  appears  great  impatience  at  the  nature  and  pro 
longation  of  the  Indian  wars.  His  promotion  to  the 
grade  of  first  lieutenant,  which  came  in  1842,  was  there 
fore  very  welcome,  as  it  involved  a  change  of  station. 

FORT  PIERCE,  F.,  July  14,  1841. 
My  Dear  Brother : 

There  is  considerable  talk  up  at  St.  Augustine  that 
our  regiment  is  going  north  in  the  fall,  but  I  won't 
believe  any  such  thing  until  the  order  comes;  in  fact, 
I  want  to  stay  till  next  spring,  for  I  really  believe  that 
there  is  a  shadow  of  hope  of  terminating  this  war  in  the 
coming  winter,  provided  always  no  "  treaties,  truces,  or 
talks." 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

FORT  PIERCE,  F.,  Oct.  11,  1841. 
My  Dear  Brother: 

As  to  matters  and  things  in  Florida,  they  are  as  they 
have  always  been,  —  Indians  plenty  always  coming,  but 
none  come,  whilst  the  officer  commanding  flatters  himself 
the  war  is  just  on  the  point  of  ending. 


20  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

A  short  time  ago  a  ship  went  ashore  about  sixty  miles 
south  of  this,  from  New  Orleans  bound  to  Cowes,  with 
a  cargo  of  tobacco  and  Dutchmen  (two  hundred  and  odd). 
The  latter  went  ashore,  taking  a  tent  and  some  beef  and 
pork;  but  fortunately  the  steamboat  that  runs  on  the 
coast  found  them,  and  advised  them  to  go  aboard  this 
vessel  whilst  she  went  in  search  of  some  wreckers  (a 
species  of  pirates,  who,  for  a  high  per  cent,  save  por 
tions  of  cargo  and  sometimes  ship),  who  returned  to  her 
and  luckily  got  her  off  the  beach,  it  being  calm ;  but  it 
seems  that  whilst  the  steamboat  was  gone,  some  Indians 
came  down  on  the  beach  and  stole  the  things  they  had 
put  ashore.  As  soon  as  we  learned  this,  Major  Childs, 
who  commands  here,  immediately  fitted  out  an  expedi 
tion  to  look  into  matters  and  things  down  in  that  sec 
tion.  An  old  Spaniard  we  have  here  informed  us  that 
in  rear  of  where  the  vessel  had  gone  ashore  there  was 
a  fine  lake,  and  in  all  likelihood  the  Indians  lived  on  it. 
As  the  object  was  to  get  on  this  lake  in  small  open  boats, 
this  we  effected  by  going  an  inland  passage  for  forty 
miles,  then  hauled  our  boats  over  a  narrow  strip  of  land 
into  the  sea,  launched  our  boats,  and,  going  about  ten 
miles  further,  landed,  and  hauled  our  boats  again  into 
the  unexplored  lake.  We  were  here  six  days,  searching 
the  islands  and  bays,  and  though  we  found  evidences  of 
a  great  number  of  Indians  and  canoes,  we  were  able  to 
discover  but  two  fellows,  who  escaped  us.  We  got, 
however,  plenty  of  roasting  ears,  sweet  potatoes,  sugar 
cane,  and  other  Indian  things.  A  great  many  fields, 
amounting  in  all  to  upwards  of  thirty  acres,  in  very 
fine  cultivation  indeed,  having,  beside  what  I've  already 
mentioned,  beans,  pumpkins,  tobacco,  and  rice.  So  you 
see  that  Indians  know,  beside  the  use  of  their  legs  and 
the  rifle,  that  of  the  hoe.  But  a  few  days  ago  a  vessel 


ST.  AUGUSTINE  IN  1842  21 

belonging  to  the  Government,  and  loaded  with  supplies 
for  this  post,  ran  ashore  about  thirty  miles  north  of  us. 
I  was  sent  up  with  thirty  men,  and  though  I  was  unable 
to  save  the  vessel,  I  succeeded  in  bringing  off  about 
$1000  worth  of  provisions  and  property.  .  .  . 
Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

PICOLATTO,  F.,  Feb.  15,  1842. 
My  Dear  Brother : 

You  doubtless  saw  my  promotion  announced  in 
"  Orders."  I  have  been  exceedingly  fortunate,  attaining 
a  rank  which  generally  requires  five  or  eight  years'  ser 
vice  in  the  short  period  of  seventeen  months.  This 
promotion  separated  me  from  the  company  to  which  I 
formerly  belonged  and  from  a  garrison  of  officers  to 
whom  I  had  become  much  attached,  yet  I  was  of  course 
rejoiced  at  being  promoted  to  this  company,  which 
guards  the  road  between  St.  Augustine  and  this  place,  — 
the  road  upon  which  so  very  many  murders  have  been 
committed  during  the  war.  I  command  here  a  guard,  have 
fine  quarters,  constant  communication  with  the  world, 
and  although  very  little  society,  and  no  officers  with  me, 
I  can  mount  my  horse,  and  in  a  couple  of  hours  can  have 
both  in  the  ancient  city  of  St.  Augustine,  only  eighteen 
miles  distant.  St.  Augustine,  you  know,  is  the  oldest 
town  in  the  United  States,  nor  does  its  appearance  belie 
its  age,  —  narrow,  winding  streets,  close-built  houses  with 
the  balconies  meeting  overhead,  denoting  its  Spanish 
population.  There  are  some  few  old  English  families, 
who  remained  when  the  Moridas  were  ceded  to  Spain, 
and  together  with  the  few  Americans  whom  the  delight 
ful  climate  has  enticed,  constitute  the  best  society.  The 
Spaniards,  or  rather  Minorcans,  are  very  ignorant  and 


22  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

have  no  desire  to  travel  beyond  their  own  circle.  There 
is  an  old  fort,  built  at  enormous  cost  by  the  Spanish 
Government;  but  for  want  of  appropriation,  it  is  fast 
falling  to  decay.  .  .  .  The  inhabitants  still  preserve  the 
old  ceremonies  and  festivities  of  old  Spain.  Balls, 
masquerades,  etc.,  are  celebrated  during  the  gay  season  of 
the  Carnival  (just  over),  and  the  most  religious  observ 
ance  of  Lent  in  public,  whilst  in  private  they  cannot 
refrain  from  dancing  and  making  merry.  Indeed,  I 
never  saw  anything  like  it,  —  dancing,  dancing,  and 
nothing  but  dancing,  but  not  such  as  you  see  at  the 
north.  Such  ease  and  grace  I  never  before  beheld.  A 
lady  will  waltz  all  the  evening  without  fatigue,  because 
it  is  done  slowly,  with  grace;  but  it  is  in  the  Spanish 
dance  they  more  especially  excel,  enchanting  all  who 
behold  or  participate.  This,  together  with  the  easy  and 
cordial  hospitality  all  extend  to  officers,  is  what  has 
captivated  so  many  within  the  past  few  years. 

In  June,  1842,  General  Sherman  was  ordered  to  Fort 
Moultrie,  S.C.,  where  he  remained  for  the  next  four  years. 

FORT  MOULTRIE,  S.C.,  May  23,  1843. 
My  Dear  Brother  : 

Leaving  the  seasons  to  look  after  themselves,  I  '11  try  and 
give  you  an  idea  of  how  our  days  pass  in  a  garrison  like 
this.  Here  at  Fort  Moultrie  we  have  about  250  soldiers, 
divided  into  four  companies.  These  are  quartered  some 
inside  the  wall,  some  outside.  All  the  unmarried  officers 
—  eight  of  us  —  live  inside ;  all  the  married,  five,  outside. 
This  being  the  headquarters  of  the  regiment,  we  have 
the  Colonel  and  his  band  of  about  fifteen  instruments. 
Every  morning  at  daylight  all  get  up  at  reveille,  attend  a 
drill,  either  as  infantry  or  artillery,  at  sunrise ;  breakfast 


SOCIETY  AT  CHARLESTON  IN  1843  23 

at  seven,  have  a  dress  parade  at  eight,  and  half  an  hour 
after  the  new  guard  takes  the  place  of  the  old  one,  —  a 
new  officer  relieving  the  old  one.  After  that  each  one 
kills  time  to  suit  himself  till  reveille  of  next  morning 
commences  the  new  routine.  Thus  it  is  every  fair  day 
except  Sunday,  when  we  have  an  extra  quantity  of  music, 
parade,  and  inspection  in  honor  of  the  day  and  to  keep 
our  men  in  superfine  order  at  church.  Thus,  you  see 
that  every  day  at  nine  o'clock  and  after  we  have  nothing 
to  do  but  amuse  ourselves.  Some  read,  some  write,  some 
loaf,  and  some  go  to  the  city.  For  the  latter  class  a 
barge  is  in  attendance,  going  and  coming.  Although  six 
miles  from  a  city,  we  have  all  its  advantages,  whilst  sepa 
rated  from  its  annoying  noises,  taxes,  and  expenses.  .  .  . 
During  the  past  winter  I  have  been  at  North  Carolina 
twice,  at  Savannah  once,  and  at  Charleston  some  hundred 
times.  The  fact  is,  in  the  summer  time  we  are  so  envel 
oped  with  citizens  that  we  have  to  make  acquaintances 
whether  or  no.  When  they  move  to  Charleston  and  the 
country,  they  send  invitations  which  must  be  accepted,  or 
give  offence.  The  consequence  was  that  two  or  more  of 
us  had  to  go  constantly  as  representatives  of  the  whole, 
—  always  in  rotation,  unless  duty  or  pleasure  coincided, 
when  a  greater  number  would  cross  the  water.  These 
parties  are  very  various,  from  the  highly  aristocratic  and 
fashionable,  with  sword  and  epaulettes,  or  horse-racing, 
picnicing,  boating,  fishing,  swimming,  and  God  knows 
what  not.  A  life  of  this  kind  does  .well  enough  for  a 
while,  but  soon  surfeits  with  its  flippancy,  —  mingling 
with  people  in  whom  you  feel  no  permanent  interest, 
smirks  and  smiles  when  you  feel  savage,  tight  boots 
when  your  fancy  would  prefer  slippers.  I  want  relief, 
and  unless  they  can  invent  a  new  Florida  war  I'll  come 
back  and  spend  a  few  months  with  you  in  Ohio.  But  as 


24  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

my  visits  have  been,  heretofore,  in  the  spring  and  sum 
mer,  I'll  wait  for  the  fall  this  time,  when  I  hope  once 
more  to  see  you  all  at  home  and  Mansfield  both.  .  .  . 
Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

In  the  autumn  of  1843,  General  Sherman  went  on 
leave  to  Ohio.  An  account  of  his  return  is  given  in  the 
following  letter,  also  a  description  of  those  parts  of 
Georgia  which  he  afterwards  visited  with  his  army. 
The  observations  made  on  his  first  visit  undoubtedly 
assisted  him  on  his  march. 

FORT  MOULTRIE,  S.C.,  Jan.  19,  1844. 

My  Dear  Brother :  It  was  about  the  middle  of  Novem 
ber,  and  on  one  of  those  mornings  so  peculiar  to  your 
atmosphere,  that  I  deposited  my  bones  in  the  Chilicothe 
stage.  I  went  to  Portsmouth,  thence  down  the  Ohio  to 
Cincinnati,  where  I  remained  with  Lamp  a  couple  of 
days,  and  then  took  my  departure  for  St.  Louis  in  the 
steamboat  Manhattan,  loaded  with  every  species  of  ani 
mal  from  men  to  Durham  cattle.  There  were  more  than 
200  souls  on  board  a  second-class  boat,  from  which  cir 
cumstance  you  can  readily  infer  that  the  bodily  comforts 
were  not  well  cared  for.  Yet  I  was  much  pleased. 
Louisville,  at  which  we  stopped  several  hours,  is  a  beau 
tiful  place ;  in  fact,  the  whole  river  realized  my  wildest 
conceptions.  In  six  days  we  reached  St.  Louis,  which,  you 
know,  is  trying  to  rival  our  queen  city ;  but,  although 
it  has  great  merits  and  beauty  beside  a  population  of 
30,000  people,  it  has  not  that  fixed  and  solid  appearance 
that  Cincinnati  now  wears  as  an  established  city  of  busi 
ness  and  manufacture.  I  spent  ten  days  in  and  near  St. 
Louis,  after  which  I  embarked  in  a  new  and  very  fine 
boat,  called  the  John  Aully  for  New  Orleans.  .  .  .  The 


SOUTHERN  TRAVEL  IN  18U  25 

trip  cannot  fail  to  interest  one  who  has  never  been  in 
the  South,  but,  as  I  was  familiar  there,  it  could  not  pro 
duce  its  full  effect.  Imagine  yourself,  as  I  was,  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Ohio  in  a  heavy  snowstorm,  the  shores 
clothed  in  ghost-like  garb ;  the  following  day  the  snow 
is  no  longer  seen,  and  before  another  day  passes  by  the 
shores  are  clothed  here  and  there  in  green  corn  and 
grass.  Soon  the  oak  appears  with  its  green  leaves,  then 
the  magnolia,  orange,  etc.,  and  soon  you  find  yourself 
down  between  the  rich  sugar-fields  of  Louisiana,  the 
stalks  ungathered  and  waving  beautifully  and  luxuri 
antly  in  the  breeze.  ...  At  Mobile  I  took  a  steamboat 
and  ascended  the  Alabama  Eiver  to  a  town  called  Mont 
gomery.  There,  on  a  vehicle  called  a  car  on  what  was 
denominated  a  railroad  to  a  town  called  Franklin,  from 
which  place  I  staged  it  over  roads  such  as  you  have 
about  Mansfield,  except  the  clay  is  slipperier,  the  hills 
shorter  and  steeper,  and  the  drivers  such  as  can  be  had 
nowhere  else.  Thus  I  went  120  miles  to  a  town  in 
Georgia  called  Griffin.  Here  I  waited  twenty-four  hours 
for  the  cars,  which  had  as  usual  run  off  the  track.  How 
ever,  they  came  at  last,  and  we  started  towards  Macon, 
a  distance  of  only  sixty  miles,  which  it  took  us  twelve 
hours  to  accomplish.  However,  at  Macon  I  found  a 
well-finished  railroad  which  led  to  Savannah,  a  distance 
of  190  miles,  over  which  we  passed  in  exactly  the  same 
time  that  it  took  us  the  day  before  to  accomplish  the 
sixty.  From  Savannah  to  Charleston  I  had  the  regular 
steamboat.  Thus  it  has  taken  me  the  whole  sheet  to 
give  you  an  outline  of  my  journey,  the  details  of  which 
volumes  would  scarcely  record.  At  last,  on  the  27th  of 
December,  after  an  absence  of  five  months  and  two  days, 
I  stood  once  more  in  my  old  quarters  at  Ft.  Moultrie. 
Since  my  return  the  weather  has  been  so  bright  and  de- 


26  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

lightful  that  I  have  almost  renounced  all  allegiance  to 
Ohio,  although  it  contains  all  whom  I  love  and  regard  as 
friends.  I  have  been  so  busy  of  late  that  I  have  not 
even  been  to  Charleston  to  see  my  old  acquaintances, 
and  could  only  steal  time  the  other  day  to  accept  an 
invitation  of  some  planters  on  an  adjacent  island  to  par 
ticipate  in  a  fox  hunt  and  the  consequent  dinner  and 
frolic. 

On  October  24th  of  the  same  year,  with  his  hatred  of 
politics  and  scorn  of  politicians,  he  learns  that  John  has 
been  stump-speaking.  The  letter  shows  a  singular  min 
gling  of  disapprobation  and  pride.  As  long  as  he  has 
seen  fit  to  seek  political  advancement,  he  is  pleased 
with  his  success.  The  letters  that  follow  from  Fort 
Moultrie  are  descriptive  of  the  life  led  on  plantations 
about  Charleston. 

FORT  MOULTRIE,  S.C.,  Oct.  24,  1844. 

My  Dear  Brother:  .  .  .  What  in  the  devil  are  you 
doing?  Stump  speaking!  I  really  thought  you  were 
too  decent  for  that,  or  at  least  had  sufficient  pride  not  to 
humble  and  cringe  to  beg  party  or  popular  favor.  How 
ever,  the  coming  election  will  sufficiently  prove  the  intel 
ligence  and  patriotic  spirit  of  the  American  people,  and 
may  deter  you  from  committing  a  like  sin  again.  .  .  . 
For  my  part,  I  wish  Henry  Clay  to  be  elected,  and 
should  rejoice  in  his  success,  for  various  reasons,  but  I 
do  not  permit  myself  to  indulge  in  sanguine  feelings 
when  dependence  has  to  be  placed  on  the  pitch-and-toss 
game  of  party  elections. 

I  rejoice  in  the  winter  period  of  relaxation  to  enable 
me  to  devote  more  time  to  reading.  Look  out  that  I 
don't  turn  out  a  pettifogging  lawyer,  and  rival  you  in 
fame  at  some  cross-roads  in  the  Far  West.  . 


STATIONED  IN  GEORGIA  27 

Let  me  conclude  by  hoping  that  you  will  now  in  the 
outset  of  life  do  all  things  in  your  power  to  advance 
your  interest  and  fame,  and  to  neglect  no  chance  to  better 
your  fortune.  .  .  . 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

SMITHVILLE,  N.C.,  April  4,  1845. 

My  Dear  Brother :  I  am  going  to  return  to  Charleston 
to-night  by  sea,  and  expect  to  be  turned  wrong  side  out, 
as  the  wind  is  blowing  a  half  gale.  I  have  been  to  Wil 
mington  in  this  State  to  stand  by  a  young  friend  who 
exchanged  the  independence  of  the  bachelor  for  the 
charms  of  Governor  Dudley's  daughter.  We  had  a 
brilliant  wedding,  —  dinner-parties  and  balls  for  three 
days,  —  when  I  came  here  to  see  a  friend,  and  will  now 
go  home  by  the  first  steamboat  that  comes  along.  .  .  . 
I  expect  upon  my  arrival  at  Ft.  Moultrie  to  find  a  letter 
from  mother  and  yourself,  and  if  I  do  not  —  good-by, 
for  devil  the  word  has  reached  me  from  Mansfield  for 
four  months.  Love  to  all.  Smithville  is  on  the  Cape 
Fear  River,  near  the  outlet. 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

In  the  autumn  of  1844  he  was  sent  to  Augusta  Arsenal, 
Ga.,  on  some  special  duty,  remained  there  a  few  months, 
and  then  returned  to  his  post. 

At  the  first  rumor  of  war  with  Mexico  he  shows  the 
greatest  anxiety  and  impatience  to  be  sent  to  Texas.  It 
was  this  anxiety  that  made  him  lose  all  chance  and  sent 
him  to  California  instead. 


28  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

AUGUSTA  ARSENAL,  GA.,  Aug.  29, 1845. 
My  Dear  Brother : 

I  got  back  from  Key  West  earlier  than  I  anticipated 
by  taking  advantage  of  a  small  pilot  boat  that  happened 
to  be  going  to  Charleston  from  Key  West.  In  it  we 
returned  in  four  days,  which  contrasted  somewhat  with 
the  passage  out  of  eighteen  days ;  but  the  Gulf  Stream 
was  favorable  in  the  first  instance,  but  not  in  the  latter. 
A  few  days  ago  I  was  ordered  here  and  assigned  to  duty 
with  the  company  that  occupies  the  arsenal,  and  on  the 
same  day  an  order  arrived  from  Washington  for  one 
more  company  to  sail  for  Arkansas  Bay.  Everybody 
supposed  the  Colonel  would  send  the  company  to  which 
I  belonged,  because  we,  its  officers,  are  all  young  and 
unmarried,  whereas  the  others  were  all  differently  situ 
ated  ;  but  in  army  affairs  age  has  precedence  of  merit, 
and  an  older  Captain  Burke  was  sent,  leaving  us  again 
behind.  There  are  still  two  companies  at  Ft.  Moultrie ; 
and  in  case  of  a  requisition  for  more  men,  we,  or  rather 
my  old  company,  will  certainly  go,  in  which  case  I  have 
the  Colonel's  promise  that  speedy  notice  will  be  given  me, 
and  I  be  ordered  to  go  along.  Also  I  am  promised  to  go 
in  case  this  company  goes,  thus  securing  two  chances, 
which  will  inevitably  enable  me  to  go  to  Texas,  in  case 
more  troops  be  required,  and  then  most  heartily  will  I 
give  all  the  aid  I  can  to  further  the  views  of  Government 
to  extend  the  "Area  of  Freedom."  ...  As  to  Texas 
having  been  annexed  for  the  sole  purpose  of  extending 
slavery,  I  do  not  believe.  Some  politicians  may  do  so, 
and  abolitionists  may  act  upon  that  decision  and  affect 
it ;  but  if  matters  be  permitted  to  take  a  natural  course, 
the  result  will  be  as  surely  the  reverse  as  water  flows 
down  hill.  Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


NEGEO  CONTENT  IN  SOUTH  CAROLINA         29 

FORT  MOULTRIE,  S.C.,  Jan.  4, 1846. 

My  Dear  Brother :  I  had  to  go  to  North  Carolina  on  a 
wedding  tour  at  Christmas  time,  and  as  soon  as  I  got 
back  I  went  to  a  plantation,  not  very  far  off,  to  spend 
the  New  Year.  I  am  pretty  well  acquainted  with  all 
the  rich  people  round  about,  and  have  from  them  enough 
invitations  for  the  balance  of  the  winter.  It  is  a  great 
relief  occasionally  to  slip  off  from  our  monotonous  drill 
and  duty  to  ramble  among  the  green  and  noble  live  oaks 
—  the  most  magnificent  evergreen  in  our  forest.  Then 
again,  the  planters  have  plenty  to  eat  and  drink,  and  can, 
without  seeming  inconvenience,  entertain  any  number  of 
straggling  acquaintances.  When  we  expect  any  assem 
blage  large  enough  to  dance,  we  take  along  four  or  five 
musicians  from  our  band,  which  makes  us  doubly  wel 
come  during  the  Christmas  holidays.  The  people  here 
were  not  a  little  alarmed  about  war,  for  it  would  at  once 
crush  their  prosperous  rice  and  cotton  trade  —  the  only 
articles  of  trade  here.  Moreover,  the  English,  in  case  of 
war,  would  doubtless  do  all  they  could  to  make  the 
slaves  rise  and  would  supply  them  with  the  necessary 
arms  and  ammunition  to  make  them  really  formid 
able.  I  have  never  seen  the  least  sign  of  disaffection 
on  the  part  of  the  negroes,  and  have  seen  them  in  the 
cotton  field  and  rice  ditches,  met  them  hunting  at  all 
hours  of  day  and  on  the  road  at  night,  without  anything 
but  "How  d'ye,  Massa?  Please  give  me  some  bac." 
However,  it  is  easy,  no  doubt,  to  make  them  believe 
they  can  own  the  fields  and  houses  they  now  see,  and  to 
excite  them  to  resort  to  means  that  would  even  astonish 
their  provokers ;  but  I  have  heard  but  one  or  two  who  in 
conversation  would  admit  even  such  danger  in  case  of 
war ;  but  all  admit  that  the  price  of  negroes  would  so 
fall  as  inevitably  to  destroy  such  as  would  be  compelled 


30  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

to  sell  such  property,  such,  as  estates  to  be  divided 
among  children,  etc.  There  would  be  no  difficulty  in 
taking  Charleston  —  our  fort  is  weak  and  has  only  about 
100  men  —  it  is  not  ditched  or  strengthened  in  such  a 
way  as  to  defy  an  assault.  A  new  fort  is  being  built  in 
the  channel  which,  when  done,  will  be  very  strong,  but 
its  walls  are  as  yet  barely  out  of  water.  The  Charles- 
tonians  have  such  confidence  in  Mr.  Calhoun,  who  is  de 
cidedly  opposed  to  war,  that  since  his  arrival  they  have 
no  apprehension.  All  here  think  that  such  resolutions 
as  Mr.  Hannigan  introduced  in  the  Senate,  and  such 
speeches  as  were  made  by  Allen  and  Cass  will  cause 
immediate  war  for  which  no  preparations  are  in  progress, 
or  even  contemplated.  If  war  takes  place,  I  shall  do  all 
I  can  to  better  my  future  and  rank,  but  if  it  slides  by,  as 
other  rumors  have,  I  must  remain  contented  with  my 
present  commission.  .  .  . 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

In  April,  1846,  he  writes :  — 

You  may  be  surprised  to  learn  that  in  a  few  days  I 
will  go  to  New  York  City  and  then  to  some  place  to  me 
still  unknown.  Tell  mother  that  she  will  have  no  more 
writing  to  Fort  Moultrie  for  a  long  time,  as  I  will,  in  all 
probability,  be  absent  two  years.  I  must  be  at  New  York 
on  the  1st  of  May,  and  then  shall  learn  my  future  station, 
which  may  possibly  be  at  the  West. 

And  later,  still  hoping  to  be  sent  to  Texas,  he  writes  :  — 

Direct  a  letter  to  me,  if  you  want  to  write,  at  Fort 
Columbus,  New  York  Harbor.  It  should  reach  there  at 
or  before  the  1st  of  May  or  I  won't  get  it.  Tell  me  then 
whether  your  railroad  is  done  from  the  lake,  and  what 


SAILS  FOR   CALIFORNIA  31 

conveniences  there  are  to  reach  Columbus,  for  it  is  in  the 
reach  of  probability  that  I.  may  receive  orders  for  New 
Orleans  or  Texas,  and  be  allowed  to  steer  my  own  course, 
in  which  case  I  might  give  you  a  hasty  call,  if  it  wouldn't 
delay  me  too  long.  .  .  . 

On  July  14th  he  sailed  from  New  York,  with  one  hun 
dred  and  fifteen  men  and  five  officers,  for  California,  on 
the  Lexington,  an  old  sloop-of-war.  On  November  10th 
he  wrote  a  long  letter  to  his  sister  Elizabeth,1  which  was 
passed  about  in  the  family  and  finally  found  its  place 
in  John  Sherman's  letter-book. 

UNITED  STATES  SHIP  LEXINGTON  AT  SEA, 
Nov.  10,  1846. 

My  Dear  Sister :  The  wind  is  now  so  strong  and  fair 
that  we  have  hopes  of  reaching  Valparaiso  in  about  ten 
days,  and,  as  our  stay  there  will  be  too  short  to  gratify 
curiosity  and  write  letters  too,  I  must  prepare  them  before 
hand.  We  sailed  from  E,io  on  the  evening  of  the  21st  of 
September,  and  ran  down  the  coast  of  South  America 
with  nothing  to  disturb  the  usual  monotony  of  a  sea  life 
till,  on  the  twenty -first  day  out,  we  made  Statenland,  an 
island  to  the  north  and  east  of  Cape  Horn.  It  had 
become  cold,  and  the  bleak  mountains,  covered  with 
snow,  looked  desolate  enough.  Soon  they  were  sunken 
beneath  the  horizon,  and  our  vessel  felt  the  majestic 
swell  of  the  Pacific.  We  were  then  in  the  sea  so  much 
dreaded  by  sailors,  but  a  bright  sun  made  us  for  the 
day  think  the  dangers  like  most  others,  more  imaginary 
than  real.  We  were  soon  undeceived,  for  the  southwest 
wind  arose,  driving  us  to  the  eastward  amidst  a  conflict 
of  waves  such  as  I  had  never  seen  before.  For  twelve 

i  Mrs.  Reese. 


32  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

days  we  struggled  with  the  storm,  snow,  ice,  and  cold, 
and  when  the  wind  lulled,  we  found  that  no  progress 
had  been  made.  A  favoring  breeze  then  enabled  us  to 
reach  Cape  Horn,  with  its  snow-capped  rocks,  and  we 
passed  quite  near  it,  with  a  clear  sky  and  bright  sun  over 
head.  We  began  to  natter  ourselves  that  it  was  done 
with  us,  but  we  were  again  mistaken ;  for  a  northwester 
began  and  served  us  more  rudely  than  its  predecessor. 
For  another  twelve  days  it  was  one  continued  struggle  for 
mastery,  and  really  it  seemed  more  than  once  as  though 
the  ship  must  be  swamped.  All  hands  were  completely 
exhausted ;  our  Captain  Baily  of  the  navy  has  made  the 
passage  some  ten  or  twelve  times,  and  the  purser  still 
oftener,  and  each  say  they  never  encountered  so  heavy 
a  sea  or  such  persevering  head  gales.  Often  our  decks 
were  covered  with  ice  and  snow,  the  rigging  dangling 
with  icicles,  whilst  the  wind  moaned  and  whistled  as  in 
our  western  woods.  I  will  not  attempt  to  give  you  an 
idea  of  the  height  or  force  of  the  waves,  —  words  are 
inadequate  to  convey  a  true  idea,  and  one  must  expe 
rience  them  to  feel  their  full  force.  I  trust,  however, 
you  may  never  have  to  seek  such  experience.  Yester 
day,  however,  the  observation  of  the  sun  placed  us  in 
54°  40'  or  north  of  Cape  Horn,  whose  latitude  is  55°  59', 
or  we  had  been  twenty-six  days  south  of  the  Cape  pass 
ing  through  a  distance  we  might  return  in  less  than  two. 
Our  course  on  the  chart  is  jagged  and  crooked  enough ; 
the  farthest  south  latitude  we  made  was  59°.  Here  it 
is  now  spring  and  the  days  very  long.  I  have  seen  the 
sun  rise  before  four  in  the  morning  and  set  after  eight, 
with  twilight  extending  nearly  the  whole  night.  Were 
we  to  remain  here  a  month  longer,  we  might  see  the  sun 
throughout  twenty  hours  out  of  twenty-four.  Travellers 
always  allude  to  the  strangeness  of  seeing  the  sun  to 


ROUNDING  CAPE  HORN  33 

the  north,  new  constellations  in  the  sky,  etc.,  but  educa 
tion  explains  causes,  removes  mystery,  and  strips  travel 
ling  of  nearly  all  its  ancient  zest.  The  constellation  of 
the  Southern  Cross  is  composed  of  four  stars  that  are 
not  very  conspicuous.  You  may  look  up  any  night  and 
see  the  same  in  any  latitude.  The  Magellan  clouds  are 
three  small  patches  of  nebulae  like  the  Milky  Way. 
They  are  near  the  South  Pole,  and  cannot,  of  course,  be 
seen  in  the  northern  hemisphere.  In  no  other  respect 
does  this  part  of  the  world  differ  from  any  other,  for  the 
sea,  monotonous  sea,  is  the  same  everywhere,  differing 
only  according  to  the  freshness  of  the  breeze.  The  little 
world,  bounded  by  the  walls  of  our  ship,  continues  the 
same  limited  monarchy,  with  its  grades  and  distinctions. 
The  captain  in  his  cabin,  the  officers  in  the  wardrooms, 
and  sailors  and  soldiers  forward.  Of  the  three,  ours, 
being  the  middle  rank,  is  doubtless  the  most  pleasant, 
for  it  embraces  eleven  in  number,  with  books,  cards,  and 
music.  We  are  thrown  into  the  most  intimate  contact, 
and  thus  far  have  not  suffered  from  a  feeling  of  jealousy 
that  is  very  apt  to  arise  among  officers  of  different  ser- 
vdces.  Strange,  too,  for  it  is  an  imperium  in  imperio. 
We  are  passengers,  having  our  soldiers  under  one  spe 
cies  of  command — the  naval  officers  are  on  duty  with 
the  sailors.  We  are  bound  to  do  nothing,  but  still  do 
make  one-fourth  of  our  men  stay  on  deck  all  the  time 
to  assist  in  working  the  ship,  for  the  crew  is  very  short. 
Such  a  mixture  of  duties  seldom  prospers,  but  here,  by 
a  good  understanding  on  the  part  of  the  officers,  we  have 
had  no  trouble  at  all,  all  feeling  our  mutual  dependence. 
Since  we  have  been  off  the  Cape  it  has  been  so  cold  that 
we  have  been  compelled  to  wrap  up  and  keep  more  to 
ourselves  in  our  staterooms,  sleeping  or  reading,  the 
former  having  the  preference  —  the  better  the  sleeper, 


34  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

the  happier  the  man.  Never  was  time  more  perfectly 
sacrificed,  for  we  have  been  afloat  near  four  months,  and 
now,  for  the  first  time,  we  head  towards  our  destination, 
after  having  sailed  about  nine  thousand  or  ten  thousand 
miles.  If  you  hear  about  a  subscription  opening  to  dig 
a  canal  across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama,  you  may  put  me 
down  any  amount,  for  really  I  do  not  fancy  a  voyage  of 
twenty-four  thousand  miles  to  accomplish  a  distance  of 
less  than  two  thousand.  However,  I  do  not  permit  my 
self  to  dream  of  a  return  to  the  United  States  for  five  or 
six  years,  when  I  hope  to  pass  through  Mexico.  We  are 
all  most  anxious  to  hear  the  state  of  the  war.  How 
many  fights  have  been  had,  how  the  volunteers  act,  how 
General  Kearny  progresses,  for  we  expect  him  to  be  in 
California  this  winter ;  yea,  and  a  thousand  other  things 
that  will  be  old  before  they  reach  our  ears,  for  our  own 
slow  progress  teaches  us  how  slow  and  uncertain  is  com 
munication  by  sea,  to  which  we  shall  have  mainly  to 
rely  for  news  and  letters.  The  long,  tedious  time  on 
board  ship  has  given  us  ample  time  to  reflect  upon  the 
past  and  make  me  feel  a  little  astonished  at  my  rapid 
movement  from  Pittsburgh.  There  I  was  well  off,  but, 
impelled  by  a  feeling  of  shame  at  leading  so  quiet  a  life 
when  my  comrades  were  at  war,  I  wrote  to  the  Adjutant- 
General,  requesting  him  to  order  me  upon  any  expedi 
tion,  —  the  more  hazardous,  the  more  it  would  be  to  my 
liking.  This  letter  was  before  him  when  Captain  Tomp- 
kins,  without  my  knowledge,  made  application  for  me. 
The  coincidence  produced  the  result,  and  I  was  ordered. 
My  order  reached  Pittsburgh  when  I  was  absent  of  my 
own  accord,  so  that  when  I  reached  Pittsburgh  I  found 
that  the  expedition  would  sail  immediately;  I  started 
without  regard  to  private  risk  or  interest  lest  I  should 
be  too  late  and  lose  a  reputation  for  prompt  and  willing 


INCIDENTS  OF  THE  VOYAGE  35 

obedience  of  dangerous  orders.  I  wish  now  I  had  been 
more  slow  and  made  better  preparations  for  so  long  an 
absence,  but  it  is  now  too  late  and  I  must  trust  to  for 
tune.  I  repeat  these  things  that  they  may  be  known  in 
case  of  accident  to  me.  ...  I  cannot  imagine  now  how 
I  was  so  hasty  at  Pittsburgh,  except  that  then  I  had  an 
idea  that  we  were  to  land  in  California  to  act  offensively 
with  a  battery  instead  of  being  planted  to  grow  rusty 
and  old  in  one  place  till  Government  be  good  enough  to 
recall  us.  The  only  objects  of  life  and  curiosity  in  this 
region  of  earth  are  the  whales  and  birds ;  the  former  do 
not  show  themselves  often,  but  are  known  by  the  peculiar 
misty  spout  of  water  made  as  they  rise  to  the  surface  for 
breath ;  but  the  birds  are  seen  in  a  clearer  element ;  they 
crowd  in  flocks  all  around  the  ship,  following  it  for  days 
and  weeks,  pouncing  upon  every  piece  of  pork  or  bread 
that  is  thrown  overboard.  This  greediness  makes  them 
an  easy  prey,  for,  with  a  baited  hook  and  line,  they  are 
easily  caught,  and  I  don't  know  when  I  have  had  a  more 
hearty  laugh  than  at  the  simple  idea  of  fishing  for  birds ; 
but  the  idea  is  now  a  fact,  having  myself  caught  of  all 
kinds.  The  most  peculiar  of  them  is  the  Cape  pigeon, 
a  beautiful,  innocent  bird  exactly  like  a  tame  pigeon, 
except  that  it  sits  the  water  like  a  duck,  and  has  webbed 
feet;  but  the  albatross,  the  huge  bird  of  the  Cape,  is 
more  to  my  liking,  and  seems  so  perfectly  indignant  at 
being  caught  by  stratagem.  There  are  of  these  several 
varieties,  the  gray,  the  quaker  (color)  and  white;  the 
latter  is  the  largest,  measuring  as  much  as  twelve  feet 
from  wing  to  wing ;  their  bodies  are  white  and  as  large 
as  a  swan,  and  the  spread  of  their  wings  great  indeed. 
They  soar  about,  scarcely  moving  a  feather,  just  above 
the  surface  of  the  water,  and,  let  the  sea  be  as  agitated 
as  possible,  they  rise  and  fall  with  the  huge  waves, 


36  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

moving  along  them  like  a  spirit  upon  the  face  of  the 
waters.  To  the  soldier  officers  catching  these  birds, 
the  sailors,  ever  superstitious,  attribute  our  hard  luck 
in  passing  the  Cape.  .  .  . 

We  expected  to  have  reached  port  ere  this,  but  the  sea 
is  very  uncertain,  giving  us  a  foul  wind  instead  of  fair ; 
but  now  a  strong  south  wind  is  carrying  us  straight 
towards  Valparaiso.  Already  are  they  shortening  sails, 
ready  to  lay  to  for  morning,  as  soon  as  the  lighthouse  is 
made.  It  is  Sunday,  and  the  day  has  been  remarkably 
beautiful ;  sailors,  soldiers,  and  officers  have  crowded  the 
spar  deck  to  enjoy  the  warm  sun  and  watch  the  varying 
shades  of  the  distant  Andes.  They  are  distinctly  visible, 
their  sides  and  caps  shining  in  their  wintry  garb,  whilst 
the  dark  line  of  green  at  their  base  adds  beauty  to  their 
cold,  sterile  magnificence.  These  mountains  are  from 
seventeen  to  twenty-two  thousand  feet  in  height,  and 
may  be  seen  at  the  distance  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
miles ;  but  so  accustomed  have  I  been  to  read  accounts 
of  them  and  to  see  and  dream  pictures  of  snow-clad 
mountains,  that  these  seem  more  like  a  representation 
than  reality.  I  hope,  however,  to  stroll  as  high  up  as 
possible,  so  as  to  realize  all  their  magnitude  and  enjoy 
the  splendid  scenery  grouped  around  them.  Sixty-four 
days  have  now  elapsed  since  we  sailed  from  Bio,  and  you 
can  easily  conceive  our  anxiety  to  reach  port.  .  .  .  There 
is  a  large  fleet  of  English  in  harbor,  but  it  seems  that 
they  have  taken  no  steps  to  oppose  our  taking  California. 
A  lieutenant  called  upon  our  captain  from  the  usual 
mark  of  politeness.  I  am  officer  of  the  day,  and  cannot 
go  on  shore,  but  will  have  the  next  three  days  to  myself ; 
then  again  I'll  be  officer  of  day,  and  will  write  to  mother. 
Good-by.  Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


II 

First  letter  from  John  Sherman  —  Progress  of  the  Mexican  War  — Pre 
dicts  political  break-up,  owing  to  the  war  —  Majority  of  the  country 
opposed  to  it  —  Letters  from  Tecumseh  from  Monterey  —  The  situa 
tion  in  California — The  gold  excitement  and  its  effect  on  labor,  trade, 
and  prices —Desertion  of  soldiers  and  sailors  — Marriage  to  Miss 
Ewing  —  Death  of  President  Taylor — Goes  to  New  Orleans  — Kesigns 
from  the  army  and  enters  the  banking  firm  of  Lucas,  Turner  &  Co. — 
Goes  to  San  Francisco  to  establish  a  branch— John's  election  to 
Congress  — The  San  Francisco  Vigilance  Committee  —  Abandons 
banking — The  Pacific  Railroad  scheme  —  Beginnings  of  the  civil 
struggle  —  Letter  on  the  Italian  War  of  '59  —  Letter  from  John 
Sherman  from  Paris  —  Impressions  of  foreign  countries  and  peoples 

THE  date  of  the  first  letter  from  John  Sherman  in 
General  Sherman's  letter-book  is  May  2,  1847.  At  this 
time  he  was  twenty-four  years  of  age,  and  practising  law 
in  Mansfield,  Ohio.  As  we  have  seen  in  General  Sher 
man's  letters,  he  had  already  "  dabbled  "  in  politics. 

John  Sherman  was  born  in  Lancaster,  Ohio,  May  10, 
1823,  the  eighth  child  in  a  family  of  eleven.  His  father 
died  when  he  was  six  years  of  age.  At  fourteen  he  had 
already  begun  to  support  himself,  being  a  rodman  on  the 
Muskingum  Eiver  Improvement  Company.  For  a  year 
he  was  engineer  in  charge,  and  was  removed  because  he 
was  a  Whig.  At  seventeen  he  began  the  study  of  law 
in  the  office  of  his  eldest  brother,  Charles,  at  Mansfield. 
In  1848  he  was  sent  to  the  National  Whig  Convention  at 
Philadelphia,  and  from  that  time  his  political  life  may  be 
said  to  have  begun.  In  1851-1854  his  intense  interest  in 
the  excitement  over  the  Missouri  Compromise  led  to  his 
election  for  Congress.  From  December,  1855,  when  he 
took  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  in  Wash 
ington,  his  firm  convictions  and  his  earnestness  in  ex 
pressing  them  made  him  prominent.  He  was  appointed 
by  Congress  on  the  Kansas  Investigating  Committee,  a 

37 


38  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

position  of  great  personal  danger.  In  1861  he  was 
elected  Senator  from  Ohio,  only  a  few  weeks  before  the 
first  shot  was  fired  on  Sumter. 

He  always  took  great  interest  in  the  financial  questions 
of  the  day,  thus  preparing  himself  for  the  work  he 
accomplished  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  under  Presi 
dent  Hayes.  His  first  letter  in  this  collection  was  writ 
ten  during  the  excitement  of  the  Mexican  War. 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  May  2,  1847. 

Dear  Brother :  Your  letter  of  January  27th  from  Mont 
erey,  California,  announcing  your  safe  arrival  at  that 
port,  was  received  by  us  a  few  days  since.  You  have 
doubtless  before  this  received  letters  from  here,  sent  by 
way  of  Panama,  at  different  times.  I  suppose  you  will 
get  United  States  papers  at  Monterey  West.  They  will 
keep  you  advised  of  all  that  is  of  importance  in  the 
history  of  the  times.  The  battles  of  General  Taylor, 
and  particularly  the  recent  one  at  Buena  Vista,  have 
induced  politicians  to  bring  him  forward  as  a  candidate 
for  the  presidency.  Politics  are  in  a  state  of  "hotch 
potch."  The  question  of  slavery  in  the  newly  conquered 
territory,  the  relative  influences  of  the  North  and  the 
South,  the  heroes  of  this  Mexican  War,  who  will  demand 
high  civil  honors,  will  mingle  in  the  political  strife  and 
will,  in  my  opinion,  break  down  the  old  parties  and  build 
up  new  ones,  divided  by  different  principles  and  led  by 
different  men.  .  .  . 

We  have  heard,  since  I  wrote  the  above,  of  General 
Scott's  brilliant  victory  at  Cerro  Gordo,  and  the  partic 
ulars  of  Donahue's  battle  at  the  Sacramento.  Victory 
seems  to  follow  our  arms  wherever  they  go.  Nothing 
but  a  series  of  victories  has  sustained  the  administration 
in  prosecuting  the  war ;  for  there  is  no  doubt  but  that  a 
large  majority  of  the  people  consider  it  an  unjust  aggres- 


THE  GOLD  DISCOVERT  39 

sion  upon  a  weak  republic,  excused  by  false  reasons,  and 
continued  solely  for  the  acquisition  of  slave  territory. 

Your  old  friend,  Hull,  I  understand,  is  about  to  volun 
teer  for  the  war  and  will  probably  be  elected  lieutenant. 
We  sent  two  companies  last  year  from  this  county. 
Next  week  another  starts  on  the  way,  enlisted  for  the 
West,  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  if  the  Government 
required  it,  a  force  of  100,000  men  might  be  had  to 
invade  Mexico  as  readily  as  10,000.  .  .  . 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

On  landing  in  California,  General  Sherman  was  ordered 
to  his  station  at  Monterey,  and  writes  from  there. 

MONTEREY,  CAL.,  April  18,  1848. 

My  Dear  Brother:  .  .  .  We  are  here  perfectly 
banished.  Occasionally  a  vessel  comes  up  from  the 
Sandwich  Islands  and  other  parts  in  the  Pacific,  but  now 
that  the  first  excitement  has  worn  off,  California  is  fast 
settling  into  its  original  and  deserved  obscurity.  Mili 
tary  law  is  supreme  here,  and  the  way  we  ride  down  the 
few  lawyers  who  have  ventured  to  come  here  is  curious. 
We  have  no  courts  here  but  the  Alcalde  Courts,  and  no 
laws  save  the  Articles  of  War  and  the  Eegulations  of 
Police,  and  yet  a  more  quiet  community  could  not  exist. 
The  lawyers  are  rampant;  they  came  here  to  make 
money,  and  there  are  no  courts,  and  the  Governor  won't 
make  any,  because  the  coming  of  lawyers  to  California  is 
a  bad  omen.  .  .  . 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

In  August,  1848,  General  Sherman  writes  of  the  ex 
citement  of  the  gold  discovery.  This  letter  was  the  first- 


40  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

authentic  account  that  reached  Ohio,  and  was  read  to 
friends  and  neighbors  for  miles  around. 

I  am  on  the  point  of  despatching  to  San  Francisco  an 
express  to  carry  up  the  news  of  peace  which  reached  us 
last  evening  from  La  Paz,  Lower  California,  all  the  way 
by  land.  This  treaty  leaves  California  with  no  military 
or  civil  government,  discharges  all  the  volunteers,  and 
leaves  no  force  in  the  country  save  two  small  companies 
of  regulars — for  our  company  has  been  reduced  to  a 
shadow  by  desertions  caused  by  the  high  prices  of  labor. 
These  are  more  exorbitant  than  any  you  have  ever  read 
of,  for  any  laboring  man  can  get  (cash)  one  dollar  an 
hour,  and  a  tradesman  would  turn  up  his  nose  at  anything 
less  than  fifteen  or  twenty  dollars  a  day.  The  cause  of 
all  this  is  the  recent  discovery  in  the  western  slope  of  the 
Sierra  Nevada,  east  of  Sutter's,  of  beds  of  gravel  mixed 
in  such  quantities  with  gold,  that  men  wash  out  in  tin 
pans  and  the  rudest  machines  from  one  to  six  ounces 
daily.  This  is  not  a  temporary  delusion,  but  a  stern 
reality.  It  was  impossible  to  credit  these  stories,  so  a 
few  weeks  since  Colonel  Mason,  the  Governor,  went 
thither  to  see  with  his  own  eyes.  I  went  along,  and  I 
wish  I  could  tell  you  all  I  saw.  I  will  do  so  at  some 
future  time,  but  now  I  can  only  say  that  we  saw  enough 
to  make  us  entertain  the  only  fear  that  disturbs  the 
bosoms  of  merchants  here,  that  gold  will  be  found  in 
such  quantities  as  seriously  to  diminish  its  value  as  a 
circulating  medium.  At  present  there  are  about  four 
thousand  people  at  work,  and  the  amount  of  gold  obtained 
daily  cannot  fall  short  of  thirty  or  fifty  thousand 
dollars  daily.  Many  men  are  already  become  rich,  and 
others  are  growing  so  fast.  All  have  their  pockets  full 
of  gold,  and  everybody  gets  more  than  ten  dollars  daily 


PEICE8  IN  CALIFORNIA  41 

for  his  personal  labor,  save  those  in  the  employ  of 
government  —  we  are  the  sufferers.  All  prices  have  so 
advanced  that  we  cannot  possibly  exist  on  our  pay.  We 
know  not  what  to  do,  and,  in  spite  of  threats,  our  soldiers 
are  all  deserting  us.  But  it  is  not  of  this  I  wish  to  write 
you  now ;  all  sorts  of  merchandise  have  risen  three  hun 
dred  per  cent,  and  I  have  heard  Colonel  Mason  say 
repeatedly  that  an  invoice  of  $10,000  of  the  Hudson  Bay 
or  American  Fur  Companies'  goods  would  sell  here  for 
$100,000.  I  believe  it,  for  I  have  seen  blankets  worth 
one  or  two  dollars  in  New  York  sell  for  $50.  Shoes  of 
the  coarsest  quality  sell  for  $10  a  pair,  and  the  best  of  it 
is,  all  consumers  are  able  to  pay  down  in  gold  for  these 
articles.  If  you  can  at  once  ship  to  San  Francisco  a 
cargo  of  the  following  articles  you  will  make  a  splendid 
venture.  Blankets  highly  colored  or  variegated;  ready- 
made  clothing  from  the  best  to  the  worst  qualities, 
principally  stout,  warm  articles  of  clothing,  pants  and 
sack  coats,  shoes  of  all  sizes  and  qualities,  tobacco,  beads, 
powder,  lead,  shot  of  all  sizes,  hats,  caps,  anything  ready 
for  immediate  use.  Cloth  is  of  little  value,  as  no  one  has 
time  to  make  it  up.  Wagons,  light  and  heavy  with 
harness,  a  couple  dozen  of  ordinary  buggies,  cotton 
handkerchiefs,  and  the  like.  If  more  than  two  or  three 
Ships  have  not  sailed  from  the  United  States  before  you 
receive  this  with  such  cargoes,  you  will  make  your  own 
prices,  for  a  battalion  of  five  hundred  men  have  just 
arrived  from  Santa  Fe,  are  destitute,  etc.,  will  be  dis 
charged,  will  work  at  the  mines  all  summer,  winter  until 
spring,  when  they  will  be  in  want  of  the  articles  I  have 
mentioned.  Gold  is  now  sold  in  San  Francisco  for  $11 
the  ounce.  It  is  good  gold,  and  by  a  courier  soon  to  be 
despatched  to  the  United  States  via  Panama,  I  will  send 
you  a  specimen.  You  may  rely  upon  the  above,  as  I  am 


42  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

possessed  of  authentic  information,  in  addition  to  what  I 
have  seen  myself. 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

MONTEREY,  CAL.,  Aug.  24,  1848. 

My  Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  This  gold  is  found  in  the  beds 
of  streams  in  dry  places,  in  fact,  mingled  with  the  earth 
over  a  large  extent  of  country,  and  the  whole  cannot  be 
extracted  in  centuries.  I  have  not  the  least  doubt  that 
five  or  six  millions  of  dollars  have  already  been  extracted, 
and  men  are  now  getting,  by  their  individual  labor,  from 
$5000  to  $3000  a  month.  This  is  not  fiction;  it  is  truth. 
I  went  with  Governor  Mason  and  saw  the  evidence  of  it 
myself,  so  if  you  can,  even  when  you  receive  this,  despatch 
a  cargo  of  assorted  articles  ready  for  immediate  consump 
tion  or  use,  you  can  realize  more  than  a  hundred  per  cent. 
Indian  goods  of  all  kinds  command  any  price  that  is 
asked.  A  good  supercargo  should  come  over,  as  a  man 
would  not  take  charge  and  dispose  of  such  business  for 
less  than  twenty  or  thirty  dollars  a  day.  A  laboring 
man  can  now  get  easily  from  $5  to  $15  a  day.  A  dollar 
an  hour  is  the  usual  price.  .  .  . 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

The  following  letter,  probably  written  to  his  friend, 
Major  H.  S.  Turner,  of  St.  Louis,  is  found  in  John  Sher 
man's  letter-book  of  this  date.  I  insert  it,  as  being  more 
complete  than  those  to  his  brother  of  the  same  date. 

MONTEREY,  CAL.,  Aug.  25,  1848. 

My  Dear  Friend :  I  wrote  you  last  by  Chouteau  that  prob 
ably  I  would  soon  be  at  Mazatlan,  whence  I  would  write  to 
you ;  but  events  so  transpired  that  Colonel  Mason  did  not 
go  there,  but  went  to  the  Sacramento  to  examine  into  the 


A   TRIP   TO  GUTTERS  FORT  43 

truth  of  the  rumors  that  were  swelling  each  day  the  amount 
of  gold  found  there.  I,  of  course,  accompanied  him,  and 
we  had  an  agreeable  tour  by  way  of  San  Francisco. 
There  we  had  our  horses,  and  those  of  the  escort,  carried 
to  the  north  side  of  the  Bay  of  San  Francisco,  to  Souso- 
lito  or  Whaler's  Harbor,  whence  we  proceeded  to  Bodega. 
That  is  an  old  Russian  port  where  the  fur  companies 
had  located  some  families  to  raise  wheat  for  the  colony 
at  Sitka,  which  is  in  too  cold  a  region  to  raise  wheat. 
The  Russian  company  has  broken  up  in  California,  and 
Bodega  is  in  the  hands  of  an  enterprising  American, 
named  Smith,  who,  at  great  cost,  has  erected  a  steam 
saw -mill.  It  looked  strange  to  see  the  puffing  of  an 
engine,  and  to  witness  once  more  its  marvellous  power. 
It  is  the  only  thing  of  the  kind  in  this  region  of  earth. 
Smith  would  have  made  his  fortune  by  sawing  lumber 
and  grinding  wheat,  but  the  gold  fever  has  stripped  him 
of  all  his  employees,  and  he  himself  was  on  the  point  of 
breaking  up  and  going  to  the  mines.  From  Bodega  we 
crossed  a  range  of  hills  into  the  valley  of  the  Pataloma, 
which  empties  into  the  northwest  corner  of  the  Bay  of 
San  Francisco,  and  thence  to  Sonoma,  which  is  on  a 
stream  of  the  same  name.  Each  of  these  valleys  are  flat 
as  a  table  and  bounded  by  high  hills.  .  .  .  The  Sacra 
mento,  where  we  crossed  it  at  Sutter's  Fort,  is  a  broad 
stream,  with  a  current  of  two  or  three  miles  an  hour ; 
the  banks  are  low,  so  that,  when  the  rainy  season  sets  in, 
the  vast  plain  on  the  east  side  is  one  sheet  of  water,  but 
at  ordinary  seasons  the  stream  is  confined  within  its 
banks  of  about  three  hundred  yards  wide.  We  crossed 
ourselves  in  a  boat,  but  our  horses  and  mules  swam  the 
river.  Sutter's  Fort  stands  about  three  miles  back  from 
the  river,  and  about  a  mile  from  the  American  Forke, 
which  also  is  a  respectable  stream.  The  fort  encloses  a 


44  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

space  of  about  two  hundred  yards  by  eighty ;  the  walls 
are  built  of  adobe  or  sun-dried  brick.  All  the  houses  are 
of  one  story,  save  one,  which  stands  in  the  middle,  which 
is  two  stories.  This  is  the  magazine,  officers'  mess-room, 
etc.  It  was  in  this  that  in  former  times  Sutter  held  his 
state  and  issued  orders  amongst  the  tribes  of  Indians  as 
peremptory  and  final  as  those  of  an  emperor.  This  man 
Sutter  has  played  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  history  of 
this  country,  and  is  likely  to  continue  his  onward  career. 
His  personal  appearance  is  striking ;  about  forty  or  fifty 
years  of  age,  slightly  bald,  about  five  feet  six  inches  in 
height,  open,  frank  face,  and  strongly  foreign  in  his 
manner,  appearance,  and  address.  He  speaks  many  lan 
guages  fluently,  including  that  of  all  Indians,  and  has 
more  control  over  the  tribes  of  the  Sacramento  than  any 
man  living.  We  spent  many  days  at  Sutter' s,  and  were 
at  the  first  Fourth  of  July  dinner  ever  given  publicly  at 
the  fort.  Sutter  presided  at  the  head  of  the  table,  Gov 
ernor  Mason  on  his  right  and  I  on  his  left.  About  fifty 
sat  down  to  the  table,  mostly  Americans,  some  foreigners, 
and  one  or  two  Calif ornians.  The  usual  toasts,  songs, 
speeches,  etc.,  passed  off,  and  a  liberal  quantity  of  liquor 
disposed  of,  champagne,  Madeira,  sherry,  etc. ;  upon  the 
whole  a  dinner  that  would  have  done  credit  in  any  fron 
tier  town.  I  have  no  doubt  it  cost  the  givers  $1500  or 
$2000.  At  Suttees  we  began  to  see  the  full  effect  of  the 
gold ;  rooms  in  the  fort  were  rented  at  $100  a  month, 
and  one  indifferent  house  at  $500  a  month.  A  small  ox- 
load,  hauled  some  twenty-five  miles,  cost  $60,  and  a  trip 
of  the  Lancet  to  San  Francisco  was  worth  $600.  The 
mechanics  employed  by  Sutter  got  $10  a  day  the  month 
round,  and  common  laborers  one  dollar  an  hour.  Horses 
that  a  few  months  ago  were  worth  $15  and  $20  were 
then  worth  $75  and  now  $100.  From  Sutter's  we  went 


ABUNDANCE  OF  GOLD  45 

up  the  American  Forke  twenty-five  miles  to  the  Mormon 
diggings.  This  is  a  half-formed  island  of  sand  and  gravel 
where  the  Mormons  first  began  to  wash  for  gold.  They 
got  out  a  great  deal  at  about  the  rate  of  $25  per  man  a 
day.  The  gold  is  in  fine  bright  scales  and  is  very  pure. 
It  is  separated  from  the  earth  and  gravel  by  washing  in 
the  pans  by  hand,  but  the  better  plan  is  in  a  kind  of 
inclined  trough  with  cleats  nailed  across  the  bottom.  A 
grate  is  placed  over  the  highest  part  of  this  trough,  upon 
which  the  gravel  is  thrown,  afterwards  the  water.  The 
gold  passes  into  the  trough,  the  gravel  and  stones  are 
removed,  and  by  a  constant  dashing  of  water  and  rocking 
the  machine,  the  earthy  matter  is  washed  off,  leaving  the 
gold  mixed  with  black  sand  in  the  bottom  of  the  machine. 
These  are  separated  by  drying  them  in  the  sun  and  blow 
ing  off  the  sand,  leaving  the  gold  pure.  You  would  be 
astonished  at  the  ease  with  which  the  precious  metal  is 
obtained  ;  any  man  by  common  industry  can  make  $25  a 
day.  We  visited  a  great  many  parties  at  work  as  high 
up  the  American  Forke  as  Butter's  saw-mill,  fifty  miles 
above  his  fort,  and  there  struck  to  the  right  and  left  into 
the  mountains.  In  the  bed  of  the  stream  the  gold  is  in 
fine  scales,  whereas  in  the  hollows  and  ravines  it  is  of 
coarse  and  of  irregular  dimensions.  I  have  seen  a  great 
many  pieces  as  heavy  as  two  or  three  ounces,  one  of  six 
ounces,  and  have  heard  of  one  of  six  pounds.  In  the 
mountain  ravine  several  men  have  made  $8000  or  $10,000 
a  month.  Everybody  is  at  perfect  liberty  to  go  where 
he  will,  but  the  gold  occurs  so  plentifully  that  there  is 
no  quarrelling,  no  collisions.  We  saw  a  great  deal  of 
gold,  and,  as  near  as  we  could  then  estimate  it,  about 
four  thousand  people  were  at  work  getting  out  about 
$50,000  of  gold  daily.  This  gold  occurs  in  the  whole 
western  slope  of  the  Sierra  Nevada  north  and  south  of 


46  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

Slitter's.  Exploring  parties  not  satisfied  with  $25  and 
$50  a  day  are  looking  for  the  pure  metal  unmixed  with 
earth.  Gold  is  so  common  that  it  can  be  bought  for  $8 
or  $9  the  ounce,  and  it  is  worth  in  Valparaiso  or  the 
United  States  $16  or  $18.  The  sudden  development  of 
so  much  wealth  has  played  the  devil  with  the  country. 
Everybody  has  gone  there,  save  women  and  officers. 
Our  soldiers  are  deserting,  and  we  can't  stop  it.  A 
tailor  won't  work  a  day,  nor  a  shoemaker,  nor  any  other 
tradesman,  —  all  have  gone  to  the  mines.  The  sailors 
desert  their  ships  as  fast  as  they  come  on  the  coast,  and 
we  have  been  waiting  a  month  to  send  an  express  to  the 
United  States,  but  no  vessel  can  get  a  crew  to  leave  the 
coast.  We  remained  up  there  among  the  mountains  a 
few  days,  and  saw  enough  gold  to  carry  conviction  of 
the  truth  of  the  most  exaggerated  accounts  that  had  pre 
viously  reached  us.  We  hurried  back  to  Monterey  to 
despatch  a  courier  to  Washington,  but  no  vessel  has  yet 
been  able  to  leave  the  coast  for  want  of  a  crew.  We  are 
now  hourly  expecting  a  small  schooner  from  San  Fran 
cisco,  which  is  reported  about  to  make  an  effort  with 
three  or  four  men  to  get  to  Valparaiso.  When  we  were 
in  the  midst  of  despatches  about  the  gold  mines  and 
mania,  here  comes  the  notice  of  the  conclusion  of  the 
Treaty  of  Peace,  and  Great  Jehovah,  what  a  treaty !  A 
conquering  army,  in  the  country  of  an  enemy,  making 
such  terms !  No  wonder  we  could  not  impress  the  Mexi 
cans  with  respect  for  us.  Had  we  burned  their  capital, 
blown  up  San  Juan  d'Alloa,  knocked  down  Mazatlan, 
and  gone  back  to  the  United  States,  it  would  have  been 
a  better  treaty  than  the  present  one.  If  we  were  at  war, 
we  should  not  have  made  apologies  for  it  by  paying 
fifteen  millions  and  imposing  on  ourselves  conditions 
that  cannot  be  fulfilled.  Every  article  of  the  treaty  is 


COMMENTS  ON  THE  PEACE   WITH  MEXICO    47 

just  such  a  one  as  Mexico  would  have  imposed  on  us 
had  she  been  the  conqueror.  Mexico  did  not  relinquish 
Lower  California.  It  is  many  years  since  she  has  had 
more  than  a  shadow  of  an  authority  here.  But  I  have 
no  doubt  the  treaty  will  be  overhauled  thoroughly  by 
the  papers  at  home.  Peace  increases  our  difficulties 
here  tenfold.  The  Volunteers  all  have  to  be  discharged, 
and  in  Upper  California  will  not  remain  over  a  hundred 
soldiers  at  seven  dollars  per  month.  Of  course,  they  are 
deserting  as  fast  as  they  can,  and  in  a  very  short  time 
there  will  not  be  a  dozen  left,  and  we  officers  will  be 
alone  in  this  country,  with  heavy  magazines  and  valu 
able  stores  unguarded.  Peace,  too,  makes  this  American 
territory  in  which  the  military  officers  can  exercise  no 
constitutional  authority.  So  that,  at  a  critical  moment, 
all  force,  civil  and  military,  is  withdrawn,  and  the 
country  filled  with  the  hardest  kind  of  a  population  of 
deserters  and  foreigners. 

All  are  now  so  intent  upon  getting  plenty  of  gold 
that  they  cannot  think  of  the  danger  that  envelops  us. 
The  administration  have  left  Colonel  Mason  in  a  tight 
place,  with  no  troops  and  no  civil  powers.  A  govern 
ment  of  some  kind  must  exist  here  soon,  or  the  devil 
will  be  to  pay.  Sonoma  is  the  residence  of  General 
Guadelupa  Vallejo,  who  was  the  great  man  of  that  sec 
tion  at  the  time  of  the  change  of  flags.  He  is  far  better 
educated  than  any  of  his  countrymen,  lives  in  some  com 
fort  and  style,  and  managed  to  secure  some  fifty  or  one 
hundred  leagues  of  land  in  the  olden  time. 

These  people  don't  care  a for  a  man  who  can't 

enforce  his  orders  by  soldiers.  Two  years  ago  they  re 
volted  at  having  garrisons  in  their  towns,  but  now  that 
these  garrisons  are  about  to  be  broken  up,  they  beg  and 


48  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

implore  for  protection,  saying  the  Indians  will  ravage 
and  destroy,  steal  their  women,  the  horses  and  cattle. 
All  this  is  true,  but  no  human  power  or  feeling  will 
draw  from  the  mines  as  heterogeneous  a  crowd  as  were 
ever  crowded  in  a  small  corner  of  earth's  surface.  I 
suppose  the  official  documents  sent  to  the  adjutant- 
general  will  be  called  for  by  Congress,  and  will  be 
printed.  The  maps  accompanying  are  the  best  that 
have  yet  been  compiled.  Ord  drew  the  large  one,  and  I 
the  small  ones.  If  I  have  time  I'll  sketch  you  a  sheet 
to  show  the  position  of  the  Gold  District. 


In  January  of  1850  General  Sherman  came  home  from 
California,  bearing  despatches  to  the  War  Department. 
In  April  he  writes  to  his  brother :  — 

The  preparations  for  my  wedding  are  complete,  and 
will  come  off  at  the  appointed  time  with  much  pomp !  I 
shall  leave  next  day,  and  hope  to  spend  a  few  days  with 
you. 

He  was  married  on  the  first  day  of  May,  1850,  to  Ellen 
Boyle  Ewing,  daughter  of  the  Hon.  Thomas  Ewing,  Sec 
retary  of  the  Interior  under  General  Taylor.  In  July 
he  writes  from  Washington :  — 

Since  my  arrival  here,  the  illness,  death,  and  funeral 
ceremonies  of  President  Taylor  have  so  engrossed  all 
minds  and  all  attention  that  even  I  have  not  taken  time 
to  tell  you  how  it  affects  me.  All  the  Cabinet  have  re 
signed,  and  will  retire.  Mr.  Fillmore  has  appointed  a 
new  Cabinet,  but  it  has  not  yet  transpired  who  they  are, 
but  you  will  know  by  telegraph  ere  this  reaches  you. 
Mr.  Ewing  and  family  go  to  Ohio  at  once,  or  at  least  in 
a  week,  and  I  shall  go  along,  but  shall  not  tarry  long, 


COUNSELS    SHUNNING  POLITICS  AGAIN        49 

but  early  in  August  shall  go  to  Jefferson  Barracks.  .  .  . 
Mr.  Ewing  turns  over  his  office  on  Monday  next,  but  his 
successor  is  not  named. 

I  do  not  think  Mr.  Fillmore  finds  it  easy  to  form  a 
Cabinet,  as  so  much  time  has  been  consumed  in  its  for 
mation.  I  hope  the  political  history  of  the  past  year 
will  make  a  strong  impression  on  your  mind  not  to  seek 
honors  or  distinction  through  that  channel. 


ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  Jan.  14, 1851. 
My  Dear  Brother  : 

I  have  nothing  new  at  all  here ;  am  still  expecting  to 
be  sent  away  in  the  spring,  but  where  to  is  hard  to  tell. 
I  ask  no  imprudent  questions  of  the  authorities  at  Wash 
ington,  but  leave  them  to  act  as  the  good  of  the  service 
to  them  may  seem  fit. 

We  have  had  a  bitter  cold  winter.  The  river  closed  in 
December,  and  is  now  closed,  —  not  actually  frozen  over, 
but  the  floating  cakes  lodge  in  a  narrow  part,  about 
eighty  miles  down  the  river,  called  a  gorge ;  these  cakes 
freeze  together,  and  serve  as  a  dam  to  all  the  ice  up 
stream.  Our  mails  have  been  entirely  interrupted.  I 
subscribe  to  a  daily  New  York  paper,  but  never  receive 
them  except  occasionally  twenty  or  thirty  arrive  at  once. 

There  are  the  usual  clamors  against  the  administra 
tion,  and  all  confess  that  the  mails  are  worse  than  ever 
before. 

Write  me  from  Washington  the  political  news,  and 
again  let  me  advise  you  to  shun  politics  like  poison, 
except  it  advance  you  in  the  profession  of  the  law. 
Affectionately  your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


50  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

.  The  above  advice,  however  good,  was,  it  is  needless  to 
say,  not  taken. 

In  September  of  1852  General  Sherman  went  to  New 
Orleans  as  a  commissary  to  relieve  Major  Waggaman. 

NEW  ORLEANS,  LA.,  Nov.  17,  1852. 
My  Dear  Brother : 

I  suppose  at  this  time  you  are  cold  enough.  Here  all 
is  bright  and  sunshine ;  not  a  particle  of  frost  yet,  but 
some  few  days  have  been  chilly,  making  a  fire  agreeable. 
Trees  and  grass  are  green.  Some  evergreens,  oaks,  and 
sycamores  ornament  Lafayette  Square,  upon  which  the 
building  used  for  all  the  army  offices  fronts,  and  the  ver 
dant  appearance  of  it  is  very  agreeable. 

There  is  evidence  here  of  renewed  prosperity.  For 
some  years  New  Orleans  has  been  on  the  decline ;  but 
this  year  good  crops  of  cotton,  sugar,  corn,  wheat,  every 
thing,  give  great  animation  to  business.  Think  of  cotton 
alone  from  this  place  shipped  annually  to  the  value  of 
sixty  millions  of  dollars !  More  than  the  California  gold 
mines  yield.  Add  to  this  the  sugar  and  up-river  produce, 
and  you  can  form  some  conception  of  the  commerce  of  a 
place  six  miles  long  by  a  mile  deep,  the  whole  river  front 
being  occupied  with  steamers  and  ships  of  all  kinds. 

By  the  way,  I  suppose  you  are  now  effectually  and  for 
ever  cured  of  politics.  You  were  born  of  the  wrong  party, 
and  should  now  be  content  to  follow  your  profession,  and 
leave  the  democracy  to  their  power  and  subsequent  de 
fection  and  downfall. 

Shortly  after  General  Sherman's  arrival  at  New  Orleans, 
he  received  notice  of  his  appointment  as  partner  in  the 
banking  firm  of  Lucas,  Turner  &  Co.  He  therefore  re 
signed  from  the  army,  and  went  to  San  Francisco  to  in- 


STARTING  ANEW  FOR   CALIFORNIA  51 

augurate  a  branch  of  the  firm  there.     Before  leaving,  he 
wrote  as  follows  :  — 

NEW  ORLEANS,  LA.,  March  4,  1853. 

My  Dear  Brother :  I  suppose  you  have  heard  of  my  pro 
posed  departure  for  California.  It  is  proper  you  should 
have  distinct  information  on  this  head.  I  start  on 
Sunday,  6th  instant,  in  the  Pampero,  for  San  Juan, 
taking  the  Nicaragua  route  for  novelty.  I  go  as  a 
member  of  the  banking  house  of  Lucas  &  Turner,  a 
branch  of  that  of  Lucas  &  Simonds  of  St.  Louis.  Turner 
is  a  particular  friend  of  mine,  and  is  already  in  Cali 
fornia;  he  is  quite  wealthy.  Lucas  is  decidedly  the 
richest  property-holder  in  St.  Louis,  and  has  credit  un 
limited.  Now  I,  of  course,  could  not  have  better  asso 
ciates  in  business,  if  I  am  ever  to  quit  the  army,  and  in 
these  prosperous  times  salaried  men  suffer.  Neverthe 
less,  I  was  unwilling  to  resign,  and  have  procured  leave 
of  absence  for  six  months,  at  the  end  of  which  time  I 
can  best  determine  what  to  do.  You  may  depend  on  it 
that  I  will  not  throw  away  my  present  position  without 
a  strong  probability  of  decided  advantage.  I  can  see 
that  the  parties  are  very  anxious  to  get  me  permanently 
with  them.  I  had  fixed  upon  the  22d  of  March  for  my 
departure,  but  Mr.  Lucas  came  down  from  St.  Louis  to 
expedite  my  departure. 


Consequently  he  started  with  his  family  for  San  Fran 
cisco  by  way  of  Nicaragua  early  in  March.  The  fol 
lowing  letter  is  the  first  he  received  from  John  after 
landing :  — 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  April  25,  1853. 

My  Dear  Brother :  I  designed  writing  to  you  and  sending 
you  a  package  of  newspapers  by  Captain  Hull  of  San 


52  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

Francisco,  but  lie  left  home  sooner  than  I  anticipated. 
California  is  so  far  away,  and  it  requires  so  long  a  time 
for  a  letter  to  go,  that  it  seems  like  writing  for  futurity. 
This,  with  the  press  of  engagements,  will  account  for  me 
not  answering  sooner  your  letter  from  New  Orleans. 

In  your  new  undertaking,  you  encounter  some  risks, 
but  I  think  from  the  statement  of  your  letter  I  should 
have  had  no  hesitation  in  adopting  your  course.  The 
spirit  of  the  age  is  progressive  and  commercial,  and 
soldiers  have  not  that  opportunity  for  distinction  which 
is  the  strongest  inducement  in  favor  of  that  profession. 
From  your  business  habits  and  experience,  you  ought  in 
a  few  years  to  acquire  a  fortune  which  will  amply  com 
pensate  you  for  the  loss  of  the  title  of  colonel.  Besides, 
officers  of  the  army  must  either  be  in  large  cities,  where 
their  pay  is  insufficient  to  meet  current  expenses,  or  on 
the  borders  of  civilization,  where  their  families  must 
either  be  separated  from  them  or  share  their  banish 
ment. 

If  we  can  do  anything  to  advance  your  business,  of 
course  you  can  command  us  in  any  way. 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

In  the  following  letters  General  Sherman  describes  the 
changes  that  have  taken  place  in  San  Francisco  during 
his  absence,  and  discusses  the  question  of  slavery,  already 
beginning  to  give  cause  for  alarm. 

SAN  FRANCISCO,  CAL.,  June  3,  1853. 
My  Dear  Brother : 

This  is  the  most  extraordinary  place  on  earth.  Large 
brick  and  granite  houses  fill  the  site  where  stood  the 
poor,  contemptible  village  j  wharves  extend  a  mile  out, 


PROGRESS  OF  SAN  FRANCISCO  53 

along  which  lie  ships  and  steamers  of  the  largest  class, 
discharging  freight  in  a  day  that  used  to  consume  with 
scows  a  month.  Yet  amid  all  this  business  and  bustle 
there  is  more  poverty  than  in  New  York.  Not  a  day 
without  distressed  individuals  ask  for  money. 

My  business  here  is  the  best  going,  provided  we  have 
plenty  of  money.  Without  it,  I  stick  to  Uncle  Sam, 
most  emphatically. 

Your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

The  following  eighteen  months  were  passed  quietly 
and  without  incident  by  General  Sherman,  while  in 
December  of  1855,  John  Sherman  entered  upon  the  six 
exciting  years  preceding  the  war,  in  the  events  of 
which  he  took  a  leading  part.  In  March  of  1856  General 
Sherman  writes  to  his  brother  :  — 

97  BANKING  HOUSE  OF  LUCAS,  TURNER  &  Co., 
SAN  FRANCISCO,  CAL.,  Nov.  30,  1854. 

My  Dear  Brother :  I  have  seen  by  the  papers  that  you 
are  elected  to  Congress.  I  suppose  you  feel  entitled  to 
the  congratulations  of  all  the  family,  and  I  should  not 
have  been  so  late  in  giving  you  mine,  only  I  expected  that 
you  would  announce  by  letter  the  fact  of  your  plans.  To 
be  elected  is  of  course  a  higher  honor  than  to  occupy  a 
seat  in  the  House  of  Eepresentatives ;  yet  that  must  be 
the  school  for  those  who  are  ambitious  for  higher  honors. 
The  Senate  is,  in  my  opinion,  the  only  body  which  reflects 
an  honor  upon  its  members,  and  should  you  aspire  to  a 
seat  there,  I  should  be  proud  to  learn  of  your  success. 
As  a  young  member  I  hope  you  will  not  be  too  forward, 
especially  on  the  question  of  slavery,  which  it  seems  is 
rising  more  and  more  every  year  into  a  question  of  real 
danger,  notwithstanding  the  compromises.  Having  lived 


54  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

a  good  deal  in  the  South,  I  think  I  know  practically  more 
of  slavery  than  you  do.  If  it  were  a  new  question,  no 
one  now  would  contend  for  introducing  it ;  but  it  is  an  old 
and  historical  fact  that  you  must  take  as  you  find  it. 
There  are  certain  lands  in  the  South  that  cannot  be 
inhabited  in  the  summer  by  the  whites,  and  yet  the  negro 
thrives  in  it  —  this  I  know.  Negroes  free  won't  work 
tasks  of  course,  and  rice,  sugar,  and  certain  kinds  of 
cotton  cannot  be  produced  except  by  forced  negro  labor. 
Slavery  being  a  fact  is  chargeable  on  the  past ;  it  cannot, 
by  our  system,  be  abolished  except  by  force  and  conse 
quent  breaking  up  of  our  present  government.  As  to 
restraining  its  further  growth,  the  North  have  a  perfect 
right  to  their  full  vote,  and  should,  as  a  matter  of  course, 
use  it.  The  Nebraska  bill  was  a  mistake  on  the  part  of 
the  South,  a  vital  mistake  that  will  do  them  more  harm 
than  all  the  violent  abolitionists  in  the  country.  Let 
slavery  extend  along  the  shores  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
but  not  in  the  high  salubrious  prairies  of  the  West.  It 
was  a  mistake  to  make  Missouri  a  slave  State ;  but  it  was 
done  long  ago,  and  now  there  is  no  remedy  except  in  the 
State  itself.  Slavery  can  never  exist  here  or  north  of 
us,  so  the  North  now  has  the  power  and  can  exercise  it 
in  prudence  and  moderation.  Of  all  the  follies  of  our 
government,  that  of  the  purchase  of  the  Ladslen  line 
excelled  any,  —  the  land  embraced  in  that  line  would  not 
sell  at  auction  for  a  thousand  dollars,  and  yet  it  cost  ten 
millions.  My  idea  is  to  leave  our  present  limits  alone 
until  we  have  more  population,  and  then  to  make  other 
adjacent  territories  pay  for  coming  into  the  Union.  The 
Sandwich  Islands  and  Cuba,  as  long  as  held  by  Spain,  or 
are  independent,  are  more  useful  to  us  than  if  annexed  as 
territory.  If  we  had  a  colonial  system  like  England, 
whereby  we  could  govern  them  absolutely,  it  would  be 


THE  SLAVERY  QUESTION  55 

good  property,  but  to  admit  the  Kanakas  of  the  Pacific 
and  mixed  Creoles  of  Cuba  on  a  par  with  ourselves,  would 
not  exalt  them,  but  would  degrade  us.  ... 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

Happily,  General  Sherman  lived  to  see  the  freed  slaves 
work,  and  realized  with  his  friends  in  the  South  the  con 
sequent  improved  condition  of  the  Southern  commerce. 

BANKING  HOUSE  OF  LUCAS,  TURNER  &  Co., 

SAN  FRANCISCO,  March  20,  1856. 

My  Dear  Brother :  I  see  you  are  placed  on  the  Committee 
of  Foreign  Eelations,  which  is  deemed  a  compliment. 
Since  you  are  embarked  in  politics,  I  shall  watch  your 
course  with  deep  interest,  and  of  all  things,  I  shall 
expect  you  to  avoid  localism  and  to  act  as  a  representa 
tive  of  a  great  developing  nation  rather  than  a  mere 
emblem  of  the  freaks  and  prejudices  of  a  small  constit 
uency.  The  slavery  question  is  forced  on  you  in  spite 
of  yourself.  Time  and  facts  are  accomplishing  all  you 
aim  at,  viz.  the  preponderance  of  the  free  over  the  slave 
States.  This  is  so  manifest  that  the  politicians  and 
people  of  the  South  feel  it,  and  consequently  are  tetchy 
and  morose.  Of  course,  you  will  vote  as  you  think 
right;  but  should  you  have  occasion  to  speak,  do  not 
imitate  Giddings  or  Seward,  but  avoid  the  subject  as  a 
dirty  black  one.  The  repeal  of  the  Compromise  was  un 
fortunate,  but  being  done,  to  repeal  it  would  only  produce 
feeling  and  no  good.  Kansas  will  be  a  free  State,  so  will 
Missouri  and  Kentucky  in  time ;  but  the  way  to  accom 
plish  that  is  to  let  things  go  on  as  now,  showing  the  emi 
nent  prosperity  of  the  free  States,  whilst  the  slave  States 
get  along  slowly.  Self-interest  is  the  great  motor,  and 
the  Kentuckians  and  Missourians,  seeing  the  land  and 


56  THE  SHERMAN  LETTEES 

property  of  adjoining  free  States  commanding  a  high, 
and  ready  price  in  consequence  of  the  influx  of  white 
men,  will  feel  that  they  have  other  interests  beside  slave 
property,  and  this  cause  is  now  telling,  and  will  go  on 
increasing.  Therefore,  to  accomplish  any  political  end, 
no  provoking  speeches  are  necessary,  but  on  the  contrary 
defeat  the  object  in  view.  I  think  you  may  do  yourself 
credit  and  a  public  good  by  aiding  California  and  the 
Pacific  coast,  which  is  poorly  represented.  There  are 
now  Indian  wars  going  on  to  the  north  of  us  that  will 
appeal  to  you.  Don't  meddle  in  it.  Let  Oregon  and 
Washington  Territories  have  reasonable  help ;  but  they 
should  help  themselves,  as  Congress  has  donated  to 
them  liberally  in  the  way  of  land,  and  these  wars  are 
doubtless  provoked  by  the  indiscriminate  robbery  of  the 
Indians,  who,  driven  from  the  valleys,  find  no  alterna 
tive  but  to  steal  and  kill. 

All  the  Pacific  slope  is  mountainous,  and  the  valleys 
are  limited  in  extent.  From  these  the  Indians  have  been 
expelled,  and  of  right  they  resist.  The  settlements  have 
pushed  forward  more  than  the  extent  of  the  white  popu 
lation  warrants,  and  they  cannot  be  restrained,  save  by 
the  danger  of  Indians,  a  proper  and  necessary  restraint. 

The  time  for  the  great  national  railroad  has  not  yet 
come.  The  surveys  thus  far  made  do  not  settle  the 
question  of  the  best  route ;  but  my  opinion  is  the  old 
emigrant  route  from  Fort  Leavenworth  or  Council  Bluffs 
is  the  best  one.  But  the  movement  now  on  foot  to  open 
a  good  wagon  road  is  very  timely.  Its  cost  will  be  com 
paratively  small,  as  California  will  make  one  or  more 
good  roads  across  the  Sierra  Nevada.  Some  four  or  five 
military  posts  with  settlements  around  them,  some 
bridges  and  free  ferries,  will  be  all  that  is  needed.  Ad 
vocate  the  wagon  road  with  all  the  zeal  you  possess,  and 


JOHN  SHERMAN   ON  KANSAS  57 

you  will  do  a  good  thing.  A  stage  will  use  the  wagon 
road  as  soon  as  the  wants  of  the  people  demand.  The 
great  object  to  be  accomplished  is  to  afford  convenient 
resting  places,  where  the  emigrant  can  buy  a  mule  or  ox 
and  can  have  his  wagon  repaired  at  moderate  cost.  This 
post  should  be  fortified  in  the  strongest  manner  possible, 
and  supplied  in  advance  of  any  necessity  with  all  the 
munitions  of  war.  The  engineer  in  chief  will  have  made 
the  necessary  estimates,  and  you  will  be  safe  in  advocat 
ing  whatever  he  may  recommend. 

Independent  of  gold,  California  is  of  great  value  to  the 
Union  by  affording  so  good  a  harbor  and  point  of  com 
merce,  from  which  we  can  trade  with  the  Pacific  Islands, 
with  Mexico,  and  the  Asiatic  continent.  The  navy  yard 
and  docks  now  in  process  of  building  should  be  finished 
as  soon  as  possible.  I  throw  out  these  ideas  to  you,  as  I 
suppose  you  will  admit  my  means  of  judging. 
Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

Almost  at  the  same  time,  March  28,  John  writes  his 
brother :  "  I  have  been  appointed  on  a  committee  of  three 
of  the  House  to  go  to  Kansas  to  investigate,  etc.,"  and  in 
answer  to  the  General's  letter  of  the  20th,  he  says  :  — 

WASHINGTON,  June  29,  1856. 

My  Dear  Brother :  Your  letter  of  March  20th  has  been 
received  by  me  upon  my  return  from  Kansas.  Your 
notions  about  the  slavery  question  are  in  common  with 
my  own.  In  accepting  the  appointment  to  go  to  Kansas, 
I  was  left  free  to  follow  my  own  judgment  and  form  my 
own  opinions  about  the  disturbances  there.  These  opin 
ions  are  embodied  in  the  Report  of  the  Committee,  all  of 
which  I  wrote,  a  copy  of  which  I  will  send  to  you  as  soon 
as  it  is  printed.  You  will  see  that  the  condition  of  affairs 


58  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

in  that  territory  are  far  worse  than  you  anticipated. 
Please  give  me  your  opinion  frankly  as  to  the  character 
of  the  report. 

I  do  not  think  that  the  Pacific  Railroad  will  pass  this 
Session.  A  liberal  appropriation  will  be  made,  I  think, 
to  construct  a  wagon  road.  This  will  be  the  best  plan 
for  the  present,  and  I  will  therefore  cordially  support  it. 

I  saw  your  name  connected  with  the  disturbances  in 
San  Francisco.  Please  inform  me  all  about  it.  I  shall 
feel  disposed  to  favor  appropriations  to  California,  Ore 
gon,  and  Washington,  and  especially  to  make  communi 
cations  between  them  and  older  States,  but  the  sums 
you  ask  rather  startle  our  economical  notions. 

Affectionately  your  brother, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

The  following  group  of  letters,  treating  of  the  Vigi 
lance  Committee,  and  including  the  one  to  Mr.  Ewing, 
referred  to  in  John  Sherman's  letter  of  July  15,  explain 
very  fully  the  General's  opposition  to  the  committee. 
The  former  rather  sympathizes  with  it,  because  of  his 
recent  experience  in  Kansas,  which  the  General  asserts 
to  have  been  different. 

SAN  FRANCISCO,  CAL.,  July  7,  1856. 

My  Dear  Brother :  The  steamer  sails  to-day,  and  will 
bring  you  news  of  the  same  character  as  the  two  past. 
The  Vigilance  Committee  is  in  full  blast,  still  exercises 
entire  control,  has  Judge  Terry  in  their  power,  and  had 
the  man  Hopkins  died,  they  would  have  hung  him. 
Now  the  probabilities  are  they  will  send  him  away. 
Where  the  matter  is  to  end,  I  cannot  imagine,  but  I 
think  the  community  is  getting  sick  and  disgusted  with 
their  secrecy,  their  street  fools,  and  parades,  and  mock 
trials,  —  worse,  far  worse,  than  the  prompt,  rapid  execu 
tions  of  a  mob  or  lynch  court. 


SAN  FRANCISCO   VIGILANCE  COMMITTEE      59 

Since  my  resignation  I  have  kept  purposely  aloof  from 
all  parties,  either  one  way  or  the  other ;  being  in  a  busi 
ness  where  large  interests  are  at  stake,  I  cannot  act  with 
that  decision  otherwise  that  would  suit  me.  I  do  not 
think  there  is  any  necessity  for  the  interference  of  the 
federal  authorities,  but  that  before  we  can  hear  from 
Washington  the  matter  will  be  over  and  forgotten. 

SAN  FRANCISCO,  CAL.,  Aug.  3,  1856. 
My  Dear  Brother : 

Here  in  this  country  the  Democratic  —  a  mob  —  ele 
ment  prevails  to  such  a  degree  that,  as  you  will  have  ob 
served,  the  influence  of  governor,  mayor,  and  all  the 
executive  authority  has  been  utterly  disregarded.  For 
three  months  here  we  have  been  governed  by  a  self- 
constituted  committee,  who  have  hung  four  men,  ban 
ished  some  twenty  others,  arrested,  imprisoned,  and 
ironed  many  more,  and  who  now  hold  a  judge  of  the 
Supreme  Court  in  their  power.  .  .  .  There  is  no  doubt 
we  have  a  bad  administration  of  law  here,  and  more 
than  a  fair  share  of  rowdies ;  but  I  think  the  Committee 
itself  no  better,  and  if  we  are  to  be  governed  by  the 
mere  opinion  of  the  Committee,  and  not  by  officers  of 
our  own  choice,  I  would  prefer  at  once  to  have  a  Dicta 
tor.  The  Committee  is  now  in  a  bad  fix.  The  man 
whom  Terry  stabbed  is  now  well.  The  Executive  Com 
mittee  of  Vigilance  are  now  willing  to  acquit  him,  but 
before  they  can  act  in  such  a  matter  by  their  by-laws, 
they  must  submit  the  case  to  a  Board  of  Delegates,  com 
posed  of  three  from  each  of  their  military  companies. 
This  Board  of  Delegates,  of  course,  want  action,  and  they 
insist  that  Terry  shall  resign  his  office  and  go  away,  or 
be  hung.  There  is  a  sloop-of-war  here,  the  John  Adams, 


60  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

whose  commander  says  that  he  will  intercept  any  ship 
that  attempts  to  carry  Terry  off ;  so  that  it  will  be  diffi 
cult  for  them  to  banish  Terry,  and  it  is  not  impossible 
that  they  may  yet  hang  Terry  to  save  themselves  the 
consequences  of  his  return  to  the  Bench.  If  there  is  not 
an  entire  revolution  and  withdrawal  from  the  Union, 
then  all  these  acts  of  violence  must  come  up  before 
our  courts  on  actions  for  civil  damages,  and  it  is  likely, 
if  Terry  returns  to  the  Bench,  he  will  have  some  feeling 
against  the  men  who  have  kept  him  imprisoned  some 
two  months,  with  daily  expectation  of  death  or  banish 
ment.  We  are  waiting  to  hear  what  President  Pierce 
will  do  in  the  matter.  I  doubt  whether  he  will  inter 
fere  as  long  as  these  men  do  not  try  to  bring  about  an 
absolute  revolution,  which  I  do  not  think  they  have  yet 
contemplated.  My  own  opinion  is,  the  committee  is 
tired  of  its  position,  but  find  it  difficult  to  withdraw 
from  the  complications  in  which  they  are  involved. 

Affectionately  your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


WASHINGTON,  July  15,  1856. 

My  Dear  Brother :  Your  letter  to  Mr.  Ewing  and  the 
accompanying  letters  were  carefully  read  by  me  and  then 
sent  to  Mr.  Ewing.  I  do  not  see  how  your  conduct  can 
be  assailed.  I  had  watched  with  a  very  great  deal  of 
anxiety  your  movements,  and  had  carefully  preserved 
every  extract  of  a  paper  which  related  to  it,  fearing  at 
the  time  a  collision  between  the  Vigilant  Committee  and 
your  authority.  I  must  confess  that,  except  as  you  were 
personally  interested  in  the  contest,  my  sympathies  were 
all  with  the  committee.  The  same  class  of  characters 


JOHN  SHERMAN  ON  THE  COMMITTEE          61 

who  were  so  infamous  in  this  city  and  in  election  frauds 
have  controlled  the  cause  of  Law  and  Order  in  Kansas, 
and  there  committed  such  calamities  with  the  direct 
sanction  of  the  authorities  that  it  seemed  to  me  just  and 
right  to  organize  and  to  enforce  a  higher  law.  The  early 
movements  of  the  people  meet  the  cordial  approval  of 
all  good  men  here,  and  this  feeling  was  deepened  by  the 
act  of  your  representative,  Herbert,  in  killing  the  Irish 
waiter.  If  the  proclamation  of  the  governor  had  been 
equally  obeyed  by  the  committee,  all  would  have  been 
satisfied ;  but  their  continued  action  subverts  all  law  and 
authority,  and  it  seems  to  me  ought  not  to  be  tolerated. 
At  first  I  was  surprised  that  you  had  taken  part  in  the 
strife,  and  especially  against  the  committee;  but  the 
newspapers  have  contained  such  full  information  as  to 
your  movements  that  it  was  manifest  that  you  did  right 
in  accepting  the  authority  you  did,  and  under  the  cir 
cumstances  you  could  do  nothing  but  resent  what  they 
did.  The  papers  here  take  the  same  view  of  it,  and 
approve  the  course  you  pursued,  and  generally  condemn 
General  Johnson  that  he  did  not  observe  more  modera 
tion  in  dealing  with  the  committee.  As  it  seems  to 
exercise  its  novel  authority  wisely  and  promptly,  I  hope 
they  will  expel  the  worst  of  their  prisoners  without  fur 
ther  violence,  and  then  gradually  dissolve,  and  allow  the 
constituted  authorities  to  resume  their  usual  course. 
The  lesson  taught  them  may  be  of  service. 

Affectionately  your  brother, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

SAN  FRANCISCO,  CAL.,  Aug.  19,  1856. 

My  Dear  Brother :   I  have  received  your  letter.     The 
difference  between  the  Kansas  case  and  this  is  that  in 


62  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

Kansas  the  efforts  came  from  the  slavery  party  to 
restrain  the  free  emigration,  and  to  stuff  the  vote,  so 
as  to  nullify  the  numbers  of  free  voters.  Here  the 
ballot-box  stuffing  was  partly  imaginary,  the  famous  box 
being  a  humbug,  used  at  the  primary  elections  to  secure 
the  nominations,  and  never  used  at  the  public  polls. 
One  was  positively  illegal,  the  other  was  simply  irreg 
ular,  and  the  Legislature  of  the  State  had  already 
decided  that  the  judges  of  election  should  be  appointed 
by  five  well-known  gentlemen  of  this  city,  —  a  remedy 
ample  and  conclusive  for  future  elections,  which  was  an 
admission  on  the  part  of  the  State  that  the  former 
judges  of  election  were  not  trustworthy.  Again,  in 
Kansas  it  was  doubtful  who  was  the  legal  governor. 
Here  there  is  no  question  that  Johnson  was  duly  and 
fairly  elected,  for  if  any  illegal  votes  were  cast,  they 
were  against  him.  The  city  of  San  Francisco,  where 
all  these  alleged  frauds  were  committed,  voted  against 
Johnson.  If  murder  had  not  been  punished  heretofore, 
it  was  not  the  fault  of  the  judges,  but  of  the  juries,  the 
merchants,  and  those  who  are  of  the  Vigilance  Com 
mittee,  having  avoided  jury  duty  as  much  as  possible. 
I  remember  when  Cora's  jury  was  empanelled,  there  was 
a  universal  answer  that  it  was  a  good  jury,  and  the  judge 
charged  strongly  for  murder ;  but  the  jury  did  not  agree, 
and  those  who  voted  for  Cora's  acquittal  were  of  the 
Vigilance  Committee.  Same  of  Hothington's  trial. 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


In  August,  1856,  General  Sherman,  who  has  evidently 
been  watching  with  concern  and  anxiety  the  trouble 
brewing  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  says  :  — 


WAGON  EOAD   TO  CALIFORNIA  63 

Unless  people,  both  North  and  South,  learn  more 
moderation,  we'll  see  sights  in  the  way  of  civil  war.  Of 
course,  the  North  have  the  strength,  and  must  prevail, 
though  the  people  of  the  South  could  and  would  be  des 
perate  enough.  I  hope  in  Congress  you  will  resolve 
yourself  into  the  fighting  branch  and  work  off  some  of 
the  surplus  steam  that  is  threatening  to  blow  up  the 
Union. 

Again,  in  December,  he  urges  the  necessity  of  a  road 
to  California. 

I  wish  you  would  make  it  your  business  to  advocate 
the  wagon  road  to  California,  one  road  along  the  usually 
travelled  emigrant  way.  Let  the  railroad  alone ;  it  will 
cost  so  much  money  that  it  will  break  down  any  admin 
istration  that  adopts  it  as  a  party  measure.  Such  a  road 
is  for  the  future,  not  the  present.  Give  us  a  good  wagon 
road,  costing,  say,  a  million  or  two,  with  bridges,  wells, 
and  stations.  Also,  more  particularly,  I  wish  you  would 
use  your  private  efforts  to  procure  the  passage  of  a  bill 
granting  the  usual  proportion  of  public  land  to  the  Sac 
ramento  Valley  Railroad.  This  road  is  already  built  at 
heavy  expense  from  Sacramento  City  east  to  the  foot  of 
the  mountains. 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

In  May,  1857,  General  Sherman  removed  with  his  fam 
ily  to  New  York,  and  shortly  after  returned  to  Ohio. 
The  general  panic  in  California,  attendant  upon  the  fail 
ure  of  the  gold  mines,  rendered  the  banking  business 
perilous  in  the  extreme,  so  that  Lucas,  Turner  &  Co. 
wound  up  their  affairs  in  San  Francisco.  Shortly  after 
General  Sherman  had  opened  a  branch  house  in  New 
York,  the  parent  firm  in  St.  Louis  failed,  and,  after  clos- 


64  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

ing  the  bank  in  the  former  city,  he  returned  to  Ohio  to 
again  start  out  in  the  world.  In  December,  1857,  he 
writes  :  — 

I  think  rather  than  be  idle  or  to  undertake  any  new 
indefinite  scheme,  I  would  return  to  my  old  business 
(the  army),  for  which  I  am  better  qualified  than  any 
other.  There  will  be  great  press  for  the  higher  appoint 
ments  of  Colonel,  Lieutenant-Colonel,  and  Major:  still, 
I  have  very  many  friends  among  the  higher  officers,  and 
think  by  vigorous  efforts  I  might  get  one  of  them. 

The  army  was  not  increased,  as  he  hoped  it  would  be, 
so  he  failed  to  secure  his  reinstatement.  In  January 
General  Sherman  finally  decided  to  become  a  lawyer, 
and  entered  into  partnership  with  his  brothers-in-law, 
Hugh  and  Thomas  Ewing,  in  Leavenworth,  Kansas. 

In  writing  to  John  at  this  time  he  foretells  some  things 
that  have  come  true,  and  another  war  that  may  still  come 
to  us,  though  far  from  probable. 

I  think  in  the  next  ten  years  we  will  have  plenty  to 
do  in  the  war  line  —  Mormon  war,  civil  broils  and  strife, 
contests  for  political  power,  growing  out  of  slavery  and 
other  exciting  topics,  and  last  a  war  with  Spain,  resulting 
in  the  conquest  of  Cuba. 

Much  of  his  work  was  done  in  surveying  roads,  and 
upon  being  asked  to  draw  up  a  map  of  the  supposed  gold 
region  in  Kansas,  he  writes  :  — 

It  is  very  dangerous  to  attempt  to  draw  lines  by  any 
old  maps,  for,  like  Benton,  you  will  have  ideal,  wide, 
beautiful  valleys,  where  awful  mountains  stand  and  won't 
get  out  of  the  way.  Again,  it  is  not  safe  to  locate  roads 
along  valleys,  because  these  valleys  are  not  like  the  val 
leys  of  Ohio  or  the  Alleghanies,  for  in  California  I  have 
seen  valleys  with  almost  perpendicular  sides  of  1500  to 


A  PACIFIC  EAILEOAD  65 

2500  feet,  which  is  a  smooth  country,  'tis  said,  to  that 
about  Shasta.  I  think  that  this  memorandum  of  mine 
will  answer  your  questions ;  whether  satisfactorily  or 
not,  I  don't  know. 

On  Dec.  19,  John  Sherman  writes  from  Washington :  — 

Dear  Brother :  Your  letter  of  the  8th  came  opportunely, 
as  it  gives  me  a  good  opportunity  to  make  a  request  which 
it  may  be  a  pleasure  to  grant.  I  have  heretofore  opposed 
the  Pacific  Railroad,  or  rather  its  aid  by  the  government, 
principally  because  its  construction  within  the  ten  years 
will  be  premature  and  will  be  subject  to  interruptions  by 
the  Indians,  and  because  our  knowledge  of  the  country 
was  not  sufficient  to  enable  the  best  route  to  be  chosen. 
I  have  fought  against  all  grants  to  railroads  because  of 
the  change  it  made  in  the  settled  policy  of  the  govern 
ment  in  regard  to  settled  lands.  I  have  favored  the 
"  Pre-emption  and  Homestead  Lines,"  and  have  steadily 
opposed  either  grants  or  sales  except  to  actual  settlers 
and  for  settlement.  Within  a  few  days,  in  a  conference 
with  polite  friends  and  rather  in  deference  to  the  general 
demand  for  a  Pacific  Eailroad,  I  have  agreed  to  support 
a  bill  containing  the  following  as  its  leading  features : 
1st.  Authority  to  the  President  to  contract  for  the  trans 
portation  of  the  mails,  etc.,  by  railroad  company  between 
Big  Sioux  and  Kansas  River;  thence  between  latitude 
27°  and  43°  to  San  Francisco.  2d.  A  grant  of  alternate 
sections  of  public  lands  for  twenty  miles  on  each  side  of 
roads  to  be  sold  within  five  years  after  the  completion  of 
each  section  of  the  road  of  twenty-five  miles ;  to  be  sub 
ject,  however,  to  pre-emption  by  actual  settlers  at  not 
over  $2.50  per  acre,  and  the  remaining  sections  to  be 
granted  to  actual  settlers  under  the  Homestead  Bill. 
3d.  A  payment  by  the  government  of  $10,000  a  mile, 


66  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

to  be  paid  as  each,  section  of  twenty-five  miles  is  com 
pleted,  with  proper  reservations  to  secure  completion  of 
the  contract. 

The  details  of  this  measure  are  a  compound  of  G-iddings 
and  other  railroad  bills.  I  do  not  think  any  bill  will 
pass  this  session.  I  may  wish  to  speak  upon  it,  and 
what  I  want  to  ask  of  you  is  a  full  statement  of  your 
ideas,  pro  and  con,  with  liberty  to  use  what  you  write. 
You  must  have  a  general  knowledge  of  the  routes,  etc., 
etc.,  and  if  you  take  time  to  do  as  I  ask,  I  hope  you  will 
be  so  full  and  yet  so  guarded  in  your  statements  that  I 
may  quote  them  and  implicitly  insist  upon  their  entire 
accuracy. 

I  have  here  ample  opportunities  and  facilities  for  in 
formation,  but  I  have  not  time  to  wade  through  the 
immense  volumes  of  exploration,  etc. 

I  have  talked  with  Stevens  (your  old  friend)  and 
Larder  and  others,  but  they  are  enlisted  in  some  war 
scheme.  To  aid  you  I  will  send  you  the  exploration  in 
eight  quarto  volumes,  but  all  I  have  are  in  Mansfield. 
You  shall,  however,  have  a  full  set  in  the  spring.  You 
had  better  keep  posted  in  this  Pacific  Railroad,  for  who 
knows  but  you  may  be  connected  with  it  some  day. 

In  your  statement,  answer  me  these  questions  : 

Why  should  government  build  a  railroad  so  much  in 
advance  of  settlements  ?  Why  is  the  central  road  to  be 
chosen  rather  than  any  other  ?  What  is  the  best  mode 
for  the  government  to  do  it  ?  By  its  own  agents  ?  By 
its  contracts  with  corporations  or  individuals  ?  Shall  it 
be  with  lands,  money,  etc.?  What  are  the  difficulties 
to  be  overcome,  and  how?  Indians,  timber,  water, 
transportation,  mountains,  elevation,  and  face  of  the 
country  ? 

It  is  a  magnificent  project  and  I  fear  the  greatness  of 


REPUBLICANS   UNITED  67 

the  task  will  lure  our  people  into  a  premature  attempt  to 
build  it.  We  like  great  and  splendid  schemes,  and  some 
times  forget  they  do  not  pay. 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

P.S.  —  You  are  mistaken  about  the  Kepublican  party ; 
there  are  no  signs  of  division  in  its  ranks.  It  is  now  the 
most  compact  and  by  far  the  strongest  political  element 
in  our  politics. 

I  think  that  I  met  Mr.  Williams  in  New  York.  I  was 
at  a  party  given  by  Governor  Morgan,  the  governor-elect 
of  New  York,  and  met  nearly  all  the  leading  capitalists 
and  bankers  of  the  State,  and  I  am  pretty  sure  he  was 
among  them.  By  the  way,  a  good  many  of  them  had 
waded  through  a  financial  speech  I  made  last  spring  and 
so  got  the  idea  that  I  know  ten  times  more  about  "  Fi 
nance  "  than  I  do. 

The  request  made  (in  the  letter  of  December  19th)  was 
granted  and  highly  approved  of  by  John  Sherman.  In 
acknowledging  it,  he  calls  it  the  "  best  statement  of  the 
arguments  pro  and  con  and  the  difficulties  to  be  over 
come  "  that  he  had  seen.  In  the  same  letter  he  says : 
"  While  I  like  the  excitement  of  political  life,  it  will 
make  me  an  old  man  before  my  time,"  a  prophecy 
happily  unfulfilled.  In  writing  of  the  admission  of 
Kansas  as  a  free  or  slave  State,  General  Sherman 
writes :  — 

For  many  years  the  Southern  politicians  have  struggled 
to  maintain  that  equal  representation  in  the  Senate, 
long  since  lost  in  the  House,  and  when,  as  now  also, 
a  majority  is  obtained  in  the  Senate  beyond  chance 
of  alteration,  then  the  question  is  settled  and  all  angry 
controversy  might  and  ought  to  cease.  The  South,  with 
a  minority  of  representation  in  both  branches,  and  with 


68  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

the  presence  of  three  millions  of  slaves  in  their  midst, 
are  weak  and  in  the  power  of  the  North;  so  that  it 
seems  to  me  that  the  Northern  representatives  can 
afford  to  lay  low  and  let  events  develop  the  solution 
of  the  dangerous  political  problem.  If  Congress  do 
admit  Kansas  as  a  slave  State,  her  people  will  forth 
with  abolish  it,  and  the  South  will  never  again  attempt 
to  coerce  their  Southern  ideas  upon  any  new  territory  so 
illy  adapted  to  slave  labor.  To  taunt  them  with  their 
want  of  success  and  weakness  can  do  no  good. 

Affectionately  your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

And  later,  in  writing  to  congratulate  John  on  his  re 
election,  he  urges  moderation  in  the  coming  discussions 
and  strife  with  the  Southern  members. 

I  see  by  the  papers  that  you  are  re-elected;  I  took 
that  for  granted.  It  seems  to  be  the  impression  that  we 
are  to  have  a  Eepublican  candidate,  or  rather  President, 
in  1860.  I  hope,  if  you  have  a  hand  in  it,  you  will  be 
as  moderate  as  possible.  I  don't  fear  the  South  flying 
off  for  any  such  cause ;  but  there  is  a  reasonable  middle 
ground  on  which  all  educated  Americans  may  stand. 

In  April  of  1859  John  Sherman  sailed  on  the  Vander- 
bilt  for  a  short  trip  abroad.  Just  at  this  time  Kansas 
became  the  scene  of  gold  discoveries,  or  rumors  of  such. 
General  Sherman  seems  destined  to  lead  a  life  of  excite 
ment.  His  arrival  seems  to  herald  some  human  up 
heaval.  He  writes  to  John  of  these  new  excitements. 

LEAVENWORTH  CITY,  KANSAS,  April  30,  1859. 
(Finished  May  1.) 

Dear  Brother:  ...  I  would  like  very  much  to  be 
with  you  and  make  the  trip,  although  my  tastes  might 


THE  RUSH  FOE  PIKE'S  PEAK  69 

lead  me  to  traverse  fields  and  places  which  have  no  in 
terest  to  you ;  but  Europe,  being  now  the  concentrated 
history  and  civilization  of  our  time,  has  in  every  part 
interest  enough  for  all  men.  I  wish,  therefore,  you  to 
tell  me  of  your  progress  and  observations.  .  .  . 

At  this  moment  we  are  in  the  midst  of  a  rush  to 
Pike's  Peak.  Steamboats  arrive  in  twos  and  threes 
each  day,  loaded  with  people  for  the  new  gold  region. 
The  streets  are  full  of  people  buying  flour,  bacon,  and 
groceries,  with  wagons  and  outfits,  and  all  around  the 
town  are  little  camps  preparing  to  go  west.  A  daily 
stage  goes  west  to  Fort  Riley,  135  miles,  and  every 
morning  two  spring  wagons,  drawn  by  four  mules  and 
capable  of  carrying  six  passengers,  start  for  the  Peak, 
distance  six  hundred  miles,  the  journey  to  be  made  in 
twelve  days.  As  yet  the  stages  all  go  out  and  don't 
return,  according  to  the  plan  for  distributing  the  car 
riages  ;  but  as  soon  as  they  are  distributed,  there  will 
be  two  going  and  two  returning,  making  a  good  line  of 
stages  to  Pike's  Peak.  Strange  to  say,  even  yet,  although 
probably  25,000  people  have  actually  gone,  we  are  with 
out  authentic  advices  of  gold.  Accounts  are  generally 
favorable  as  to  words  and  descriptions,  but  no  positive 
physical  evidence  comes  in  in  the  shape  of  gold,  and  I 
will  be  incredulous  until  I  know  some  considerable 
quantity  comes  in  in  the  way  of  trade. 

In  telling  John  his  political  convictions  at  this  time, 
he  says  :  — 

I  keep  along  still,  and  shall  not  even  vote  till  some 
organization  arises  that  is  more  in  accordance  with  my 
personal  convictions,  which  are  more  and  more  strong. 
My  idea  is  that  the  Southern  States  should  be  more 
likened  to  a  man  having  a  deformity,  like  the  fox  who 


70  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

lost  his  tail  and  wanted  all  others  to  cut  theirs  off.  They 
think  they  are  best  off,  or  at  least  are  bound  to  think  so ; 
and  instead  of  thrusting  the  fact  before  them  all  the 
time,  I  would  indulge  them  in  their  delusion  with  all  the 
philosophy  and  complacency  of  a  strong  man.  If  they 
attempt  to  abolish  the  law  about  slave  trade,  vote  them 
down  without  unnecessary  debate.  If  they  and  com 
mittee  frame  a  bill  to  restrain  territorial  legislation  from 
restricting  slavery,  vote  them  down.  They  have  not  the 
physical  or  political  power  to  oppress  the  free  States, 
nor  can  they  afford  to  disperse  their  slaves  any  more. 
Already  they  have  Florida,  Arkansas,  Texas,  and  large 
parts  of  Alabama  and  Mississippi,  with  less  population 
per  area  than  Mexico  or  Central  America.  There  is  no 
outlet  for  the  negroes  of  our  country ;  we  have  no  right 
to  displace  the  population  of  Mexico  to  put  slaves  there. 
Slavery  must  stay  pretty  much  in  its  present  boundaries 
by  the  constitution  and  laws  as  they  now  are. 

Whether  in  the  midst  of  moving  battalions,  in  rattling 
towns,  amid  the  towering  Alps,  or  in  sunny  Italy,  you 
must  think  of  us  out  here  on  the  pampas  of  Kansas. 
Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

In  writing  to  John  Sherman,  travelling  abroad,  in 
May,  1859,  General  Sherman  shows  the  most  glowing 
interest  in  the  Italian  war,  and  bemoans  his  inability  to 
go  to  the  scene  of  conflict.  His  short  epitome  of  the 
possibilities  and  probabilities  of  the  outcome  of  the 
trouble  is  curious  in  its  accuracy  as  well  as  in  its  mis 
taken  idea  of  the  chief  actor. 

Of  course  we  are  all  expectation  here  to  read  news  of 
the  war  in  Italy.  Our  latest  accounts  are  simply  that 


THE  ITALIAN  CAMPAIGN  OF  1859  71 

the  Austrians,  after  entering  Piedmont,  have  manoeuvred 
without  any  definite  plan,  giving  full  time  for  the  Sar 
dinians  to  organize,  and  for  France  to  pour  into  Italy  her 
well-equipped  armies  by  every  avenue  of  approach.  We 
know,  too,  that  the  Emperor  of  Austria  has  gone  to  con 
trol  the  operations  of  his  army,  that  the  King  of  Sardinia 
is  also  his  own  generalissimo,  and  that  Napoleon  had 
sailed  from  Marseilles  for  Genoa,  whence,  I  take  it,  he 
promptly  crossed  to  Turin,  and  that  he,  too,  will  com 
mand  in  person. 

I  should  like  of  all  things  to  be  in  your  stead,  and  I 
think  ere  this  I  would  be  near  the  Lake  of  Maggiori, 
within  a  circuit  of  thirty  miles  of  which,  I  feel  satisfied, 
will  be  or  have  been  fought  several  great  battles.  So  rapid 
now  are  movements  of  troops,  so  well-equipped  are  they, 
and  so  glowing  with  a  desire  to  battle,  that  I  doubt  not 
ere  this  some  actions  have  been  fought  that  will  give  a 
clue  to  the  result.  If  Napoleon  can  drive  the  Austrians 
out  of  all  Italy,  even  from  Venice  and  Triest,  and  from 
thence  north  of  the  Styrian  Alps,  and  then  gradually  sur 
render  the  power  thus  acquired  to  a  federation  of  states, 
retiring  to  France,  he  would  be  the  most  celebrated  man 
of  this  or  any  age.  He  can  do  so.  The  elder  Bonaparte 
could  not,  as  he  was  never  cordially  recognized  by  other 
governments  ;  but  Napoleon  III.  is  so  firmly  fixed,  to  all 
appearance,  in  France,  that  he  can  moderate  his  plans, 
and  cease  conquest  the  moment  his  aim  is  accomplished. 
So  few  ambitious  men,  however,  have  been  able  to  stop 
at  the  right  place  that  fortune  seems  to  tempt  them  be 
yond  human  depth  into  ruin ;  still,  so  wilful,  silent,  and 
determined  has  he  shown  himself  that  I  expect  that  he 
will  force  the  Austrians  back  from  Italy,  and  then  allow 
some  form  of  government  to  control  the  Italian  king 
doms,  states,  and  republics.  Austria,  however,  will  not 


72  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

relinquish  Triest,  Dalmatia,  and  Venice  without  a  death- 
struggle,  and  it  may  be  that  the  war  now  begun  may 
spread  and  make  as  many  dynastic  changes  as  those  wars 
which  followed  the  French  Eevolution.  I  wish  I  were 
there  to  watch  the  operations  and  changes  ;  but  alas  !  I 
am  in  Kansas. 

As  ever, 

Your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

While  the  soldier  brother  was  in  the  wilds  of  Kansas, 
pining  to  hear  the  clash  of  great  armies,  the  statesman 
brother  was  in  London,  burning  to  suggest  new  measures 
in  the  House  of  Commons,  to  fight  another  kind  of 
battle. 

PARIS,  June  19,  1859. 

My  Dear  Brother :  You  will  perceive  from  the  date  of 
this  letter  that  I  am  in  the  capital  of  gaiety  ^  and  such  I 
have  found  it.  This  city  is  a  striking  contrast  to  any 
I  have  ever  seen.  If  there  are  unhappy  people  here,  I 
have  not  seen  them.  The  streets  are  alive  with  people, 
and  bands  are  playing  in  the  gardens  and  palaces.  Groups 
are  gathered  around  singing-stalls,  the  cafes  and  restau 
rants  are  filled,  and  the  broad  promenades  are  encroached 
upon  by  persons  sitting  in  front  of  the  cafes,  sipping 
coffee,  etc.  I  have  now  been  here  eight  days,  and  if  I 
was  to  select  a  happy  city,  judging  only  from  appear 
ances,  there  could  be  no  rival  with  Paris. 

I  know  very  well,  from  the  history  of  the  Parisians, 
that  a  sudden  impulse  would  change  them  into  tigers, 
and  that  the  gayest  spots  have  been  the  scenes  of  fright 
ful  cruelties,  but  surely  they  seem  happy  now.  I  have 
been  constantly  contrasting  the  people  of  Paris  with  the 
English :  the  conclusion  is  all  in  favor  of  the  Parisians. 


THE  EIGHTS  OF  ENGLISHMEN  73 

I  was  in  Great  Britain  seven  weeks ;  went  into  England, 
Ireland,  Scotland,  and  Wales.  I  saw  all  I  was  allowed 
to  see,  without  prejudice,  with,  a  sincere  desire  to  improve 
my  limited  time.  As  a  matter  of  course,  I  could  not 
give  you  reasons  or  ideas  on  facts  gathered  on  the  way. 
The  mere  journal  of  places,  men,  and  sights  seen  would 
be  a  very  poor  guide-book.  My  conclusions  are  all 
against  the  British  Government.  .  .  .  When  English 
men  hereafter  talk  about  their  rights,  I  will  know  what 
they  mean.  They  do  enjoy  a  limited  liberty  of  speech 
and  of  the  press,  and  then  you  have  said  all.  It  is  a 
government  of  the  aristocracy,  more  exclusive,  repelling, 
and  narrow  than  I  conceived  of.  The  House  of  Com 
mons  is  the  only  pretended  representation  of  the  people, 
and  that  is  but  a  mere  pretence.  The  representation  is 
so  glaringly  unequal  that  it  is  a  surprise  to  me  that  the 
people  will  submit  to  it.  As  the  members  are  not  paid, 
and  none  can  vote  without  property,  it  is  a  mere  repre 
sentation  of  money  and  not  of  men.  Every  regulation 
of  the  government,  the  rules  of  caste,  the  combined 
insolence  and  obsequiousness  of  all  classes  with  whom 
I  came  in  contact,  were  so  unpleasant  to  me  that,  while 
my  visit  there  was  a  constant  enjoyment  and  a  school, 
I  would  not  live  under  the  British  Government  for  any 
consideration.  .  .  .  Without  this  detail,  this  is  my  idea 
of  the  British  Government,  and  if  time  and  space  united 
allowed,  I  could  state  the  facts  and  observations  that, 
little  by  little,  led  to  this  conclusion ;  but  I  will  leave 
that  for  some  long  talk  when  time  is  not  so  precious. 

The  cultivated  scenery  of  England  fully  met  my  expec 
tations.  I  can  imagine  nothing  more  beautiful  than 
their  hawthorn-hedge  fields,  their  cattle  and  sheep,  and 
indeed  everything  that  depends  on  care  and  cultivation. 
The  idea  that  all  this  stock  and  property  belonged  to  a 


74  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

few,  that  the  great  mass  of  the  people  merely  labored 
for  others,  and  that  the  whole  government  was  conducted 
and  a  system  of  laws  passed  simply  to  continue  and 
intensify  this  state  of  things,  and  that  the  favored 
class  had  the  possession  of  all  the  powers  of  govern 
ment,  securely  hedged  about,  made  me  a  rebel  from  the 
beginning. 

I  was  present  at  the  great  debate  in  the  House  of 
Commons,  when  the  ministry  was  overthrown  upon  ques 
tions  utterly  insignificant,  and  I  could  not  but  wish  that 
I  was  a  member  of  that  body  for  ten  years,  with  full 
power  to  introduce  and  discuss  several  measures  of 
reform,  to  bring  to  the  people  of  England  equal  repre 
sentation,  based  upon  men  and  not  upon  property  or 
boroughs,  a  law  against  entailment,  and  a  law  of  descent 
and  distribution,  which  would  divide  property  among 
children  equally.  The  discussion  of  such  radical  meas 
ures  could  not  but  convince  intelligent  men.  But  what 
then  ?  Neither  the  intelligence  nor  population  of  Eng 
land  is  represented  in  Parliament,  and  a  favored  class 
have  never  yielded  power  except  to  revolution  or  the 
fear  of  it. 

The  French  government  is  much  more  tolerable. 
Louis  Napoleon  is  emperor  by  usurpation,  but  I  really 
think  that  the  government  is  not  only  for  the  good,  but 
is  the  choice  of  the  people  and  others.  There  is  the 
greatest  personal  liberty  and  equality  here,  and  the 
institutions  tend  to  advance  equality  and  give  a  fair 
chance  to  merit.  It  is  true  that  through  the  press  people 
cannot  discuss  politics,  except  on  one  side.  In  private 
life,  and  indeed  in  the  saloons  and  public  places,  there 
seems  no  restraint.  The  administration  of  the  law 
seems  well  conducted.  Taxes,  as  compared  with  Eng 
land,  are  light,  and  the  Frenchman  has  no  restraint, 


FRENCH  FREEDOM  AND  EQUALITY  75 

either  by  caste  or  law,  from  doing  what  he  wishes, 
except  that  he  must  not  write  against  the  government. 
His  equality  with  his  neighbor  is  recognized.  There  is 
more  freedom,  if  I  might  say  so,  more  mixing  of  all  classes 
of  people  here,  and  on  terms  of  kindliness  and  equality, 
than  you  will  find  even  in  America.  The  blouses,  the 
uniforms,  and  the  black  coats  all  sit  and  eat  and  chat 
together.  On  the  whole,  they  have  much  more  claim  to 
be  a  "  free  people "  than  the  English,  and  hereafter  I 
will  know  how  to  appreciate  an  English  account  of 
French  tyranny. 

But  enough  of  this.  I  received  two  of  your  letters 
with  great  pleasure.  Through  friends  and  the  papers  to 
be  found  here,  in  many  places,  I  am  kept  well  advised 
of  the  American  matters. 

My  travels  have  given  me  a  fund  of  information  that 
I  could  get  in  no  other  way.  I  think  I  will  never  regret 
the  trip.  I  leave  Paris  to-morrow  for  Milan  and  the 
seat  of  war ;  thence  we  visit  Switzerland  and  the  Rhine, 
returning  here  in  time  to  take  the  boat  leaving  Havre 
August  3d  for  New  York.  I  regret  to  return  so  soon, 
but  business  demands  it. 

I  will  be  on  the  field  of  Magenta  and  Montebello,  and 
if  possible,  on  the  present  theatre  of  action.  Remember 
me  to  all,  and  believe  me  to  remain 

Affectionately  your  brother, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 


Ill 


General  Sherman's  feeling  towards  the  South  —  Counsels  moderation 
to  his  brother  —  Helper's  "The  Impending  Crisis" — John  Sher 
man  on  the  Speakership  —  His  New  York  speech  in  April,  1860  — 
Comments  of  General  Sherman  —  Favors  Seward  as  against  Lincoln 

—  John  Sherman  on  Republican  policy  towards  the  South  —  The 
situation  in  Louisiana  —  Seizure  of   the  Baton  Rouge  Arsenal  — 
Resignation  from  the  Louisiana  Military  Academy  —  Predicts  ruin 
of  politicians  and  rise  to  power  of  military  men  —  Believes  war  in 
evitable —  Interview  with  Lincoln  —  "Oh  well,  I  guess  we'll  manage 
to  keep  house"  —  Secession  of  Virginia  —  Praise  of  McClellan  — 
Witnesses  the  first  fighting  in  the  West  —  Early  judgment  of  Thomas 

—  Re-enters  the  army  as  Colonel  of  13th  Infantry 

IN  August  of  1859,  General  Sherman  was  appointed 
superintendent  of  a  military  school  in  Louisiana.  At 
that  time  great  attention  was  paid  in  the  South  to 
the  military  education  of  the  young  men ;  and  it  is  sin 
gular,  in  the  knowledge  of  after  events,  that  General 
ISherman  should  have  gone  to  teach  the  art  of  war  to  the 
youth  of  the  South. 

While  there,  or  about  that  time,  he  received  an  offer 
from  a  banking  firm  to  open  a  branch  office  in  London ; 
but  after  consulting  John,  he  decided  not  to  leave  this 
country  and  his  school,  in  which  he  was  greatly  inter 
ested.  It  was  not  long,  however,  before  his  relations 
with  the  school  became  strained,  owing  to  his  Northern 
ideas.  In  September,  1859,  he  wrote  to  John  from  Lan 
caster,  Ohio,  where  he  stopped  on  his  way  to  Louisiana. 

I  will  come  up  about  the  20th  or  25th,  and  if  you 
have  an  appointment  to  speak  about  that  time,  I  should 
like  to  hear  you,  and  will  so  arrange.  As  you  are 
becoming  a  man  of  note  and  are  a  E-epublican,  and  as 
I  go  South  among  gentlemen  who  have  always  owned 

76 


COUNSELS  MODERATION  77 

slaves,  and  probably  always  will  and  must,  and  whose 
feelings  may  pervert  every  public  expression  of  yours, 
putting  me  in  a  false  position  to  them  as  my  patrons, 
friends,  and  associates,  and  you  as  my  brother,  I  would 
like  to  see  you  take  the  highest  ground  consistent  with 
your  party  creed. 

Throughout  all  the  bitterness  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives  before  the  war,  General  Sherman  urged  upon 
his  brother  John  to  maintain  a  moderate  course;  but 
even  then  the  General  thought  him  too  severe  on  the 
South,  and  writes  in  October,  1859,  as  follows :  — 

Each  State  has  a  perfect  right. to  have  its  own  local 
policy,  and  a  majority  in  Congress  has  an  absolute  right 
to  govern  the  whole  country;  but  the  North,  being  so 
strong  in  every  sense  of  the  term,  can  well  afford  to  be 
generous,  even  to  making  reasonable  concessions  to  the 
weakness  and  prejudices  of  the  South.  If  Southern 
representatives  will  thrust  slavery  into  every  local  ques 
tion,  they  must  expect  the  consequences  and  be  outvoted ; 
but  the  union  of  States  and  general  union  of  sentiment 
throughout  all  our  nation  are  so  important  to  the  honor 
and  glory  of  the  confederacy  that  I  would  like  to  see 
your  position  yet  more  moderate. 

In  December,  John  Sherman,  being  the  Republi 
can  candidate  for  Speaker  of  the  House,  his  brother, 
who  was  greatly  excited  and  anxious  as  to  his  election, 
writes :  — 

NEW  ORLEANS,  Dec.  12,  Sunday. 
Dear  Brother : 

I  have  watched  the  despatches,  which  are  up  to  Dec.  10, 
and  hoped  your  election  would  occur  without  the  usual 
excitement,  and  believe  such  would  have  been  the  case 


78  THE  SHERMAN  LETTEE8 

had  it  not  been  for  your  signing  for  that  Helper's  Book. 
Of  it  I  know  nothing,  but  extracts  made  copiously  in 
Southern  papers  show  it  to  be  not  only  abolition  but 
assailing.  Now  I  hoped  you  would  be  theoretical  and 
not  practical,  for  practical  abolition  is  disunion,  civil  war, 
and  anarchy  universal  on  this  continent,  and  I  do  not 
believe  you  want  that.  ...  I  do  hope  the  discussion  in 
Congress  will  not  be  protracted,  and  that  your  election,  if 
possible,  will  occur  soon.  Write  me  how  you  came  to 
sign  for  that  book.  Now  that  you  are  in,  I  hope  you  will 
conduct  yourself  manfully.  Bear  with  taunts  as  far  as 
possible,  biding  your  time  to  retaliate.  An  opportunity 
always  occurs. 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

The  following  letters,  relating  to  the  "Helper  Book/7 
explain  themselves :  — 

WASHINGTON,  D.C.,  Dec.  24,  1859. 

My  Dear  Brother :  Your  letter  was  duly  received,  and 
should  have  been  promptly  answered  but  that  I  am  over 
whelmed  with  calls  and  engagements. 

You  ask  why  I  signed  the  recommendation  of  the 
Helper  Book.  It  was  a  thoughtless,  foolish,  and  unfor 
tunate  act.  I  relied  upon  the  representation  that  it  was 
a  political  tract  to  be  published  under  the  supervision  of 
a  committee  of  which  Mr.  Blair,  a  slave-holder,  was  a 
member.  I  was  assured  that  there  should  be  nothing 
offensive  in  it,  and  so,  in  the  hurry  of  business  of  the 
House,  I  told  Morgan,  a  member  of  last  Congress,  to  use 
my  name.  I  never  read  the  book,  knew  nothing  of  it, 
and  now  cannot  recall  that  I  authorized  the  use  of  my 
name.  Everybody  knows  that  the  ultra  sentiments  in 
the  book  are  as  obnoxious  to  me  as  they  can  be  to  any 


ANXIETY  IN  LOUISIANA  79 

one,  and  in  proper  circumstances  I  would  distinctly  say 
so,  but  under  the  threat  of  Clark's  resolution,  I  could 
not,  with  self  respect,  say  more  than  I  have. 

Whether  elected  or  not,  I  will  at  a  proper  time  disclaim 
all  sympathy  with  agrarianism,  insurrection,  and  other 
abominations  in  the  book. 

In  great  haste, 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

JOHN  SHEKMAN. 

1  SEMINARY,  ALEXANDRIA,  LA.,  Jan.  16,  1860. 

Dear  Brother:  I  received  your  letter  explaining  how 
you  happened  to  sign  for  that  Helper  Book.  Of  course, 
it  was  an  unfortunate  accident,  which  will  be  a  good  rea 
son  for  your  refusing  hereafter  your  signature  to  unfin 
ished  books.  After  Clark's  resolution,  you  were  right,  of 
course,  to  remain  silent.  I  hope  you  will  still  succeed, 
as  then  you  will  have  ample  opportunity  to  show  a  fair 
independence. 

The  rampant  Southern  feeling  is  not  so  strong  in 
Louisiana  as  in  Mississippi  and  Carolina.  Still,  holding 
many  slaves,  they  naturally  feel  the  intense  anxiety  all 
must  whose  property  and  existence  depend  on  the  safety 
of  their  property  and  labor.  I  do  hope  that  Congress 
may  organize  and  that  all  things  may  move  along  smoothly. 
It  would  be  the  height  of  folly  to  drive  the  South  to  des 
peration,  and  I  hope,  after  the  fact  is  admitted  that  the 
North  has  the  majority  and  right  to  control  national  mat 
ters  and  interests,  that  they  will  so  use  their  power  as  to 
reassure  the  South  that  there  is  no  intention  to  disturb 
the  actual  existence  of  slavery. 

Yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


80  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

Through  all  General  Sherman's  letters  of  this  date, 
one  can  hear  the  thunder  crash  before  the  storm.  His 
ardor  for  peace  and  the  avoidance  of  trouble  are  reas 
suring  in  a  man  of  great  military  longings  and  ambitions. 
In  February,  1860,  he  writes  :  — 

If  Pennington  succeeds,  he  will  of  course  give  you 
some  conspicuous  committee,  probably  quite  as  well  for 
you  in  the  long  run  as  Speaker.  I  don't  like  the  looks 
of  the  times.  This  political  turmoil,  the  sending  com 
missions  from  State  to  State,  the  organization  of  military 
schools  and  establishments,  and  universal  belief  in  the 
South  that  disunion  is  not  only  possible  but  certain, — 
are  bad  signs.  If  our  country  falls  into  anarchy,  it  will 
be  Mexico,  only  worse.  I  was  in  hopes  the  crisis  would 
have  been  deferred  till  the  States  of  the  Northwest 
became  so  populous  as  to  hold  both  extremes  in  check. 
Disunion  would  be  civil  war,  and  you  politicians  would 
lose  all  charm.  Military  men  would  then  step  on  the 
tapis,  and  you  would  have  to  retire.  Though  you  think 
such  a  thing  absurd,  yet  it  is  not  so,  and  there  would 
be  vast  numbers  who  would  think  the  change  for  the 
better. 

I  have  been  well  sustained  here,  and  the  Legislature 
proposes  further  to  endow  us  well  and  place  us  in  the 
strongest  possible  financial  position.  If  they  do,  and 
this  danger  of  disunion  blow  over,  I  shall  stay  here; 
but  in  case  of  a  breach,  I  would  go  North. 

Yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

Later,  when  things  look  more  peaceful  for  the  country, 
he  writes :  — 

The  excitement  attending  the  Speakership  has  died 
away  here,  and  Louisiana  will  not  make  any  disunion 


JOHN   SHERMAN'S  DEBATES  81 

moves.  Indeed,  she  is  very  prosperous,  and  the  Missis 
sippi  is  a  strong  link,  which  she  cannot  sever.  Besides, 
the  price  of  negroes  is  higher  than  ever  before,  indicating 
a  secure  feeling. 

I  have  seen  all  your  debates  thus  far,  and  no  Southern 
or  other  gentleman  will  question  their  fairness  and 
dignity,  and  I  believe,  unless  you  are  unduly  provoked, 
they  will  ever  continue  so.  I  see  you  are  suffering  some 
of  the  penalties  of  greatness,  having  an  awful  likeness 
paraded  in  Harper's,  to  decorate  the  walls  of  country 
inns.  I  have  seen  that  of  Harper,  and  as  the  name  is 
below,  I  recognize  it.  Some  here  say  they  see  a  likeness 
to  me,  but  I  don't. 

The  following  letters,  relating  to  John  Sherman's 
speech  in  New  York,  explain  themselves. 

WASHINGTON,  March  26,  1860. 

My  Dear  Brother:  Yours  of  the  12th  instant  was 
received  when  I  was  very  busy,  and  therefore  I  did  not 
answer  in  time  for  you  at  Lancaster.  I  sent  Gales  and 
Seaton  the  six  dollars  for  the  paper. 

Your  estimate  of  the  relative  positions  of  Speaker  and 
Chairman  of  Ways  and  Means  Committee  is  not  accurate. 
The  former  is  worth  struggling  for ;  it  is  high  in  dignity, 
influence,  and  when  its  duties  are  well  performed  it  is 
an  admirable  place  to  gain  reputation.  I  confess  I  had 
set  my  heart  upon  it  and  that  I  could  have  discharged 
its  duties.  .  .  .  My  present  position  is  a  thankless, 
laborious  one.  I  am  not  adapted  to  it.  It  requires  too 
much  detailed  labor  and  keeps  me  in  constant  conflict; 
it  is  the  place  of  a  schoolmaster  with  plenty  of  big  boys 
to  coax  and  master.  I  will  get  along  the  best  I  can.  .  .  . 
You  need  not  fear  my  caution  about  extreme  views.  It 


82  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

is  my  purpose  to  express  my  political  views  in  the  State 
of  New  York  in  April,  and  to  avoid  hasty  expressions,  I 
will  write  it  out  in  full  for  publication. 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

LOUISIANA  STATE  SEMINARY  OF  LEARNING 

AND  MILITARY  ACADEMY, 
ALEXANDRIA,  LA.,  April  4,  1860. 
Dear  Brother  : 

I  know  that  some  men  think  this  middle  course  absurd, 
but  no  people  were  ever  governed  by  mere  abstract  prin 
ciple.  All  governments  are  full  of  anomalies,  —  English, 
French,  and  our  own;  but  ours  is  the  best  because  it 
admits  of  people  having  their  local  interests  and  preju 
dices,  and  yet  living  in  one  confederacy.  I  hope  you 
will  send  me  your  speech,  and  if  national,  I  will  have  it 
circulated. 

I  see  you  have  reported  nearly  all  the  appropriation 
bills  early  in  the  session.  This  has  been  referred  to  in 
my  presence  repeatedly  as  evidence  of  your  ability  and 
attention  to  business ;  so,  whether  you  feel  suited  to  the 
berth  or  no,  it  will  strengthen  your  chances  in  the  country. 

Your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

WASHINGTON,  B.C.,  April  13,  1860. 

I  sent  you  a  copy  of  my  speech  in  New  York.  I  deliv 
ered  it  with  credit  and  to  a  very  large  and  kind  audience. 
Upon  looking  it  over,  I  perceive  a  good  deal  of  bitterness, 
natural  enough,  but  which  you  will  not  approve.  It  is 
well  received  here. 

Affectionately  yours,        J,  OHN  SHERMAN. 


EXCLUSION  OF  SLAVERY  83 

ALEXANDRIA,  LA.,  May  8,  1860. 

Last  night  I  got  the  copy  of  the  speech  and  read  it.  ... 
There  is  one  point  which  you  concede  to  the  Southern 
States,  perfect  liberty  to  prefer  slavery  if  they  choose ; 
still,  you  hit  the  system  as  though  you  had  feeling 
against  it.  I  know  it  is  difficult  to  maintain  perfect 
impartiality.  In  all  new  cases,  it  is  well  you  should 
adhere  to  your  conviction  to  exclude  slavery  because  you 
prefer  free  labor.  That  is  your  perfect  right,  and  I  was 
glad  to  see  that  you  disavowed  any  intention  to  molest 
slavery  even  in  the  District.  Now,  so  certain  and  inev 
itable  is  it  that  the  physical  and  political  power  of  this 
nation  must  pass  into  the  hands  of  the  free  States,  that  I 
think  you  all  can  well  afford  to  take  things  easy,  bear 
the  buffets  of  a  sinking  dynasty,  and  even  smile  at  their 
impotent  threats.  You  ought  not  to  expect  the  Southern 
politicians  to  rest  easy  when  they  see  and  feel  this  crisis 
so  long  approaching,  and  so  certain  to  come  absolutely, 
at  hand. 

But  this  year's  presidential  election  will  be  a  danger 
ous  one ;  may  actually  result  in  civil  war,  though  I  still 
cannot  believe  the  South  would  actually  secede  in  the 
event  of  the  election  of  a  Republican. 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

As  the  year  goes  on,  General  Sherman's  anxiety  in 
creases,  and  his  position  becomes  almost  too  strained  for 
comfort.  In  his  intense  longing  for  the  preservation  of 
peace,  he  favors  the  nomination  of  Seward  rather  than 
of  Lincoln,  believing  him  to  be  less  inimical  to  the  South. 
In  June  of  1860,  he  writes  :  — 


84  THE   SHERMAN  LETTERS 

I  think,  however,  though  Lincoln's  opinions  on  slavery- 
are  as  radical  as  those  of  Seward,  yet  Southern  men,  if 
they  see  a  chance  of  his  success,  will  say  they  will  wait 
and  see.  The  worst  feature  of  things  now  is  the  famil 
iarity  with  which  the  subject  of  a  dissolution  is  talked 
about.  But  I  cannot  believe  any  one,  even  Yancey  or 
Davis,  would  be  rash  enough  to  take  the  first  step.  If 
at  Baltimore  to-day  the  Convention  nominate  Douglas 
with  unanimity,  I  suppose  if  he  gets  the  vote  of  the 
united  South  he  will  be  elected.  But,  as  I  apprehend 
will  be  the  case,  if  the  seceders  again  secede  to  Richmond, 
and  there  make  a  Southern  nomination,  their  nomination 
will  weaken  Douglas'  vote  so  much  that  Lincoln  may 
run  in.  The  real  race  seems  to  be  between  Lincoln  and 
Douglas.  .  .  .  Now  that  Mr.  Ewing  also  is  out  for  Lin 
coln,  and  it  is  strange  how  closely  these  things  are 
watched,  it  is  probable  I  will  be  even  more  "  suspect " 
than  last  year.  All  the  reasoning  and  truth  in  the  world 
would  not  convince  a  Southern  man  that  the  Republicans 
are  not  abolitionists.  It  is  not  safe  even  to  stop  to  dis 
cuss  the  question :  they  believe  it,  and  there  is  the  end 
of  the  controversy.  ...  Of  course,  I  know  that  reason 
has  very  little  influence  in  this  world  :  prejudice  governs. 
You  and  all  who  derive  power  from  the  people  do  not 
look  for  pure,  unalloyed  truth,  but  to  that  kind  of  truth 
which  jumps  with  the  prejudice  of  the  day.  So  South 
ern  politicians  do  the  same.  If  Lincoln  be  elected,  I 
don't  apprehend  resistance ;  and  if  he  be,  as  Mr.  Ewing 
says,  a  reasonable,  moderate  man,  things  may  move  on, 
and  the  South  become  gradually  reconciled.  But  you 
may  rest  assured  that  the  tone  of  feeling  is  such  that 
civil  war  and  anarchy  are  very  possible. 


ELECTION   OF  LINCOLN  85 

The  following  letter,  written  by  John  Sherman  to  his 
brother  shortly  after  the  election  of  Lincoln,  is  full  of 
the  intensest  feeling  and  is  a  complete  statement  of  the 
Republican  sentiment  of  the  time :  — 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  Nov.  26,  1860. 

My  Dear  Brother :  Since  I  received  your  last  letter  I 
have  been  so  constantly  engaged,  first  with  the  election 
and  afterwards  in  arranging  my  business  for  the  winter, 
that  I  could  not  write  you. 

The  election  resulted  as  I  all  along  supposed.  Indeed, 
the  division  of  the  Democratic  party  on  precisely  the 
same  question  that  separates  the  Republican  party  from 
the  Democratic  party  made  its  defeat  certain.  The  suc 
cess  of  the  Republicans  has  no  doubt  saved  the  country 
from  a  discreditable  scramble  in  the  House.  No  doubt 
the  disorders  of  the  last  winter  and  the  fear  of  their 
renewal  induced  many  good  citizens  to  vote  for  the 
Republican  ticket.  With  a  pretty  good  knowledge  of  the 
material  of  our  House,  I  would  far  prefer  that  any  one 
of  the  candidates  be  elected  by  the  people  rather  than 
allow  the  contest  to  be  determined  in  Congress.  Well, 
Lincoln  is  elected.  No  doubt,  a  large  portion  of  the 
citizens  of  Louisiana  consider  this  a  calamity.  If  they 
believe  their  own  newspapers,  what  is  far  worse,  the 
lying  organs  of  the  Democratic  party  in  the  free  States, 
they  have  just  cause  to  think  so.  But  yon  were  long 
enough  in  Ohio  and  heard  enough  of  the  ideas  of  the 
Republican  leaders  to  know  that  the  Republican  party 
is  not  likely  to  interfere  directly  or  indirectly  with 
slavery  in  the  States  or  with  the  laws  relating  to  slavery ; 
that,  so  far  as  the  slavery  question  is  concerned,  the  con 
test  was  for  the  possession  of  Kansas  and  perhaps  New 
Mexico,  and  that  the  chief  virtue  of  the  Republican  success 
was  in  its  condemnation  of  the  narrow  sectionalism  of 


86  TEE  SHERMAN  LETTEES 

Buchanan's  administration  and  the  corruptions  by  which 
he  attempted  to  sustain  his  policy.  Who  doubts  but 
that,  if  he  had  been  true  to  his  promises  in  submitting 
the  controversy  in  Kansas  to  its  own  people,  and  had 
closed  it  by  admitting  Kansas  as  a  free  State,  that  the 
Democratic  party  would  have  retained  its  power?  It 
was  his  infernal  policy  in  Kansas  (I  can  hardly  think  of 
the  mean  and  bad  things  he  allowed  there  without  swear 
ing)  that  drove  oif  Douglas,  and  led  to  the  division  of 
the  Democratic  party  and  the  consequent  election  of 
Lincoln. 

As  a  matter  of  course,  I  rejoice  in  the  result,  for  in  my 
judgment  the  administration  of  Lincoln  will  do  much  to 
dissipate  the  feeling  in  the  South  against  the  North  by 
showing  what  are  the  real  purposes  of  the  Kepublican 
party.  In  the  meantime,  it  is  evident  we  have  to  meet 
in  a  serious  form  the  movements  of  South  Carolinian 
Disunionists.  These  men  have  for  years  desired  this  dis 
union  ;  they  have  plotted  for  it.  They  drove  Buchanan 
into  his  Kansas  policy;  they  got  up  this  new  dogma 
about  slave  protection;  they  broke  up  the  Charleston 
Convention  merely  to  advance  secession ;  they  are  now 
hurrying  forward  excited  men  into  acts  of  treason  with 
out  giving  time  for  passion  to  cool  or  reason  to  resume 
its  sway.  God  knows  what  will  be  the  result.  If  by  a 
successful  revolution  they  can  go  out  of  the  Union,  they 
establish  a  principle  that  will  break  up  the  government 
into  fragments.  Some  local  disaffection  or  temporary 
excitement  will  lead  one  State  after  another  out  of  the 
Union.  We  will  have  the  Mexican  Republic  over  again, 
with  a  fiercer  race  of  men  to  fight  with  each  other.  Se 
cession  is  revolution.  They  seem  bent  upon  attempting 
it.  If  so,  shall  the  government  resist?  If  so,  then 
comes  civil  war,  a  fearful  subject  for  Americans  to 
think  of. 


EFFECT  OF  THE  ELECTION  87 

Since  the  election  I  have  been  looking  over  the  field 
for  the  purpose  of  marking  out  a  course  to  follow  this 
winter,  and  I  have,  as  well  as  I  could,  tested  my  political 
course  in  the  past.  There  has  been  nothing  done  by  the 
^Republican  party  but  merits  the  cordial  approval  of  my 
judgment.  There  have  been  many  things  said  and  done 
by  Eepublican  leaders  that  I  utterly  detest.  Many  of 
the  dogmas  of  the  Democratic  party  I  like,  but  their  con 
duct  in  fact  in  administering  the  government,  and  espe 
cially  in  their  treatment  of  the  slavery  question,  I  detest. 
I  know  we  will  have  trouble  this  winter,  but  I  intend  to 
be  true  to  the  moderate  conservative  course  I  think  I 
have  hitherto  undertaken.  Whatever  may  be  the  con 
sequences,  I  will  insist  on  preserving  the  unity  of  the 
States,  and  all  the  States  without  exception  and  without 
regard  to  consequences.  If  any  Southern  State  has 
really  suffered  any  injury  or  is  deprived  of  any  right,  I 
will  help  redress  the  injury  and  secure  the  right.  They 
must  not,  merely  because  they  are  beaten  in  an  election, 
or  have  failed  in  establishing  slavery  where  it  was  pro 
hibited  by  compromise,  attempt  to  break  up  the  gov 
ernment.  If  they  will  hold  on  a  little  while,  they  will 
find  no  injury  can  come  to  them  unless,  by  their  repeated 
misrepresentation  of  us,  they  stir  up  their  slaves  to  insur 
rection.  I  still  hope  that  no  State  will  follow  in  the 
wake  of  South  Carolina.  If  so,  the  weakness  of  her 
position  will  soon  bring  her  back  again  or  subject  her  to 
ridicule  and  insignificance. 

It  may  be  supposed  by  some  that  the  excitement  in  the 
South  has  produced  a  corresponding  excitement  in  the 
North.  This  is  true  in  financial  matters,  especially  in 
the  cities.  In  political  circles,  it  only  strengthens  the 
Eepublican  party.  Even  Democrats  of  all  shades  say, 
The  election  is  against  us  j  we  will  submit  and  all  must 


88  THE    SHERMAN   LETTERS 

submit.  Eepublicans  say,  The  policy  of  the  government 
has  been  controlled  by  fhe  South  for  years,  and  we  have 
submitted :  now  they  must  submit.  And  why  not  ? 
What  can  the  Eepublicans  do  half  as  bad  as  Pierce  and 
Buchanan  have  done  ? 

But  enough  of  this.  You  luckily  are  out  of  politics, 
and  don't  sympathize  with  my  Kepublicanisms  any  way ; 
but  as  we  are  on  the  eve  of  important  events,  I  write 
about  politics  instead  of  family  matters,  of  which  there 
is  nothing  new. 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

This  is  followed  by  a  letter  from  General  Sherman,  in 
which  one  can  see  that  already  he  fully  realizes  the  inev 
itable  outcome  of  the  attempted  dissolution  of  the  Union 
and  the  strength  of  the  South.  Some  months  later  he 
demanded  75,000  men  to  defend  Kentucky,  which  re 
quired  in  the  end  more  than  twice  that  number  to  defend 
it,  and  he  was  in  consequence  called  and  believed  to  be 
insane.  It  was  his  knowledge,  obtained  through  his 
singular  position  in  the  South,  that  enabled  him  to  judge 
more  accurately  than  others  the  immense  proportions  of 
the  coming  war. 

LOUISIANA  STATE  SEMINARY  OF  LEARNING  AND 

MILITARY  ACADEMY, 
ALEXANDRIA,  Dec.  1,  1860. 
Dear  Brother : 

The  quiet  which  I  thought  the  usual  acquiescence  of 
the  people  was  merely  the  prelude  to  the  storm  of  opin 
ion  that  now  seems  irresistible.  Politicians,  by  hearing 
the  prejudices  of  the  people  and  running  with  the  current, 
have  succeeded  in  destroying  the  government.  It  cannot 
be  stopped  now,  I  fear.  I  was  in  Alexandria  all  day 


LOUISIANA  HOSTILE  89 

yesterday,  and  had  a  full  and  unreserved  conversation 
with  Dr.  S.  A.  Smith,  State  senator,  who  is  a  man  of 
education,  property,  influence,  and  qualified  to  judge. 
He  was  during  the  canvass  a  Breckinridge  man,  but, 
though  a  Southerner  in  opinion,  is  really  opposed  to  a 
dissolution  of  our  government.  He  has  returned  from 
New  Orleans,  where  he  says  he  was  amazed  to  see  evi 
dences  of  public  sentiment  which  could  not  be  mistaken. 
The  Legislature  meets  December  10  at  Baton  Eouge. 
The  calling  a  convention  forthwith  is  to  be  unanimous, 
the  bill  for  army  and  State  ditto.  The  Convention  will 
meet  in  January,  and  only  two  questions  will  be  agitated, 
—  Immediate  dissolution,  a  declaration  of  State  inde 
pendence,  and  a  General  Convention  of  Southern  States, 
with  instructions  to  demand  of  the  Northern  States  to 
repeal  all  laws  hostile  to  slavery  and  pledges  of  future 
good  behavior.  .  .  .  When  the  Convention  meets  in 
January,  as  they  will  assuredly  do,  and  resolve  to  secede, 
or  to  elect  members  to  a  General  Convention  with  in 
structions  inconsistent  with  the  nature  of  things,  I  must 
quit  this  place,  for  it  would  be  neither  right  for  me  to 
stay  nor  would  the  Governor  be  justified  in  placing  me 
in  this  position  of  trust;  for  the  moment  Louisiana 
assumes  a  position  of  hostility,  then  this  becomes  an 
arsenal  and  fort. 

Let  me  hear  the  moment  you  think  dissolution  is  inev 
itable.  What  Mississippi  and  Georgia  do,  this  State  will 
do  likewise. 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

In  the  next  letter,  of  December  9th,  General  Sherman, 
after  reasserting  his  belief  that  "  all  attempts  at  recon 
ciliation  will  fail/7  and  realizing  that  Louisiana  will 


90  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

undoubtedly  follow  South  Carolina  and  Georgia,  laments 
personally  this,  his  fourth  change  in  four  years,  and 
"  each  time  from  calamity,"  —  California,  New  York, 
Leavenworth,  and  now  Louisiana,  which  must  be  ad 
mitted  was  discouraging  to  any  man.  On  December  15th! 
John  Sherman  urges  his  brother  to  leave  Louisiana  at 
once,  while  the  General  waits,  hoping  against  hope  for 
peace. 

I  am  clearly  of  the  opinion  that  you  ought  not  to 
remain  much  longer  at  your  present  post.  You  will  in 
all  human  probability  be  involved  in  complications  from 
which  you  cannot  escape  with  honor.  Separated  from 
your  family  and  all  your  kin,  and  an  object  of  suspicion, 
you  will  find  your  position  unendurable.  A  fatal  infat 
uation  seems  to  have  seized  the  Southern  mind,  during 
which  any  act  of  madness  may  be  committed.  ...  If 
the  sectional  dissensions  only  rested  upon  real  or  alleged 
grievances,  they  could  be  readily  settled,  but  I  fear  they 
are  deeper  and  stronger.  You  can  now  close  your  con 
nection  with  the  seminary  with  honor  and  credit  to  your 
self,  for  all  who  know  you  speak  well  of  your  conduct, 
while  by  remaining  you  not  only  involve  yourself  but 
bring  trouble  upon  those  gentlemen  who  recommended 
you. 

It  is  a  sad  state  of  affairs,  but  it  is  nevertheless  true, 
that  if  the  conventions  of  the  Southern  States  make 
anything  more  than  a  paper  secession,  hostile  collisions 
will  occur  and  probably  a  separation  between  the  free 
and  the  slave  States.  You  can  judge  whether  it  is  at  all 
probable  that  the  possession  of  this  capital,  the  com 
merce  of  the  Mississippi,  the  control  of  the  territories, 
and  the  natural  rivalry  of  enraged  sections  can  be 
arranged  without  war.  In  that  event,  you  cannot  serve 
in  Louisiana  against  your  family  and  kin  in  Ohio.  The 
bare  possibility  of  such  a  contingency,  it  seems  to  me, 


CONCILIATION   USELESS  91 

renders  your  duty  plain,  to  make  a  frank  statement  to 
all  the  gentlemen  connected  with  you,  and  with  good 
feeling  close  your  engagement.  If  the  storm  shall  blow 
over,  your  course  will  strengthen  you  with  every  man 
whose  good  opinion  you  desire ;  if  not,  you  will  escape 
humiliation. 

When  you  return  to  Ohio,  I  will  write  you  freely 
about  your  return  to  the  army,  not  so  difficult  a  task  as 
you  imagine. 

The  following  short  extracts  from  letters  at  this  time 
show  the  gradual  approach  of  war.  General  Sherman 
writes  from  Louisiana  :  — 

Events  here  seem  hastening  to  a  conclusion.  Doubt 
less  you  know  more  of  the  events  in  Louisiana  than  I 
do,  as  I  am  in  an  out-of-the-way  place.  But  the  special 
session  of  the  Legislature  was  so  unanimous  in  arming 
the  .State  and  calling  a  convention  that  little  doubt 
remains  that  Louisiana  will,  on  the  23d  of  January,  fol 
low  the  other  seceding  States.  Governor  Moore  takes 
the  plain  stand  that  the  State  must  not  submit  to  a 
black  Republican  President.  Men  here  have  ceased  to 
reason ;  they  seem  to  concede  that  slavery  is  unsafe  in 
a  confederacy  with  Northern  States,  and  that  now  is 
the  time ;  no  use  of  longer  delay.  All  concessions,  all 
attempts  to  remonstrate,  seem  at  an  end. 

A  rumor  says  that  Major  Anderson,  my  old  captain 
(brother  of  Charles  Anderson,  now  of  Texas,  formerly  of 
Dayton  and  Cincinnati,  Lary,  William  and  John,  all  of 
Ohio),  has  spiked  the  guns  of  Fort  Moultrie,  destroyed 
it,  and  taken  refuge  in  Sumter.  This  is  right.  Sumter 
is  in  mid-channel,  approachable  only  in  boats,  whereas 
Moultrie  is  old,  weak,  and  easily  approached  under 
cover.  If  Major  Anderson  can  hold  out  till  relieved 


92  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

and  supported  by  steam  frigates,  South  Carolina  will 
find  herself  unable  to  control  her  commerce,  and  will 
feel,  for  the  first  time  in  her  existence,  that  she  can't  do 
as  she  pleases. 

A  telegraph  despatch,  addressed  to  me  at  Alexandria, 
could  be  mailed  at  New  Orleans,  and  reach  me  in  three 
days  from  Washington. 

WASHINGTON,  D.C.,  Jan.  6,  1861. 
Dear  Brother : 

I  see  some  signs  of  hope,  but  it  is  probably  a  deceptive 
light.  The  very  moment  you  feel  uncomfortable  in  your 
position  in  Louisiana,  come  away.  Don't  for  God's  sake 
subject  yourself  to  any  slur,  reproach,  or  indignity.  I 
have  spoken  to  General  Scott,  and  he  heartily  seconds 
your  desire  to  return  to  duty  in  the  army.  I  am  not  at 
all  sure  but  that,  if  you  were  here,  you  could  get  a  posi 
tion  that  would  suit  you.  I  see  many^of  your  friends  of 
the  army  daily. 

As  for  my  views  of  the  present  crisis,  I  could  not  state 
them  more  fully  than  I  have  in  the  enclosed  printed 
letter.  It  has  been  very  generally  published  and  ap 
proved  in  the  North,  but  may  not  have  reached  you,  and 
therefore  I  send  it  to  you. 

Affectionately  your  brother, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

Following  is  the  letter  referred  to :  — 

WASHINGTON,  Dec.  22,  1860. 

Gentlemen:  Your  note  of  the  15th  inst.,  inviting  me 
to  attend  a  public  dinner  in  your  city,  on  Friday  evening 
next,  was  duly  received. 


JOHN  SHERMAN  ON  THE  SITUATION  93 

I  remember  with  pleasure  the  kindness  shown  me 
during  the  recent  canvass  by  our  political  friends  at 
Philadelphia,  and  would  gladly  avail  myself  of  the  pro 
posed  celebration,  to  mingle  my  personal  thanks  with 
your  rejoicings  over  the  recent  triumph  of  our  political 
principles.  Other  engagements  and  duties,  however,  will 
not  allow  me  that  pleasure. 

No  State  can  dispute  with  Pennsylvania  the  honor  of 
this  triumph.  Her  own  son  was  upon  trial,  and  her 
voice  of  condemnation  was  emphatic  and  decisive.  The 
election  of  G-overnor  Curtin  foreshadowed  her  decision, 
and  strengthened  our  cause  in  every  State  where  freedom 
of  election  is  allowed  to  the  people.  Her  verdict  in 
November  reconsidered  and  reaffirmed  her  verdict  in 
October.  And  now,  since  the  victory  is  won,  let  us  not 
lose  the  fruits  of  it. 

Fidelity  to  principle  is  demanded  by  the  highest  patri 
otism.  The  question  is  not  whether  this  or  that  policy 
should  prevail,  but  whether  we  shall  allow  the  Govern 
ment  to  be  broken  into  fragments,  by  disappointed  parti 
sans,  condemned  by  four-fifths  of  the  people.  It  is  the 
same  question  answered  by  General  Jackson  in  his  proc 
lamation  of  1833.  It  is  the  same  question  answered  by 
Henry  Clay  in  the  Senate  in  1850.  It  is  the  same  ques 
tion  answered  by  Madison  and  Jefferson,  and  recently  by 
Wade  and  Johnson.  It  is  a  question  which,  I  feel 
assured,  every  one  of  you  will  answer,  in  the  patriotic 
language  of  General  Jackson  —  "  The  Union,  it  must  be 
preserved." 

Such  would  be  the  voice  of  the  whole  country,  if  the 
Government  was  not  now  administered  by  those  who  not 
only  permit  treason  but  actually  commit  it,  by  turning 
the  powers  of  the  Government  against  itself.  They  kill 
the  Government  they  have  sworn  to  maintain  and  defend, 


94  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

because  the  people,  whose  agents  they  are,  have  con 
demned  them.  In  this  spirit  we  have  seen  a  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury,  charged  with  the  financial  credit  of  the 
Government,  offering  for  sale  the  bonds  of  the  Govern 
ment,  and  at  the  same  moment  declaring  that  it  will  be 
overthrown,  and  that  he  would  aid  in  overthrowing  it. 
We  see  other  high  officers  receiving  PAY  for  services  to 
the  Government  and  yet,  at  the  same  moment,  plotting  its 
destruction.  We  see  the  Treasury  robbed  by  subordinate 
officers  amid  the  general  ruin.  Stranger  still,  we  see  the 
President  of  the  United  States  acknowledging  his  duty 
to  execute  the  laws,  but  refusing  to  execute  them.  He 
admits  that  the  Constitution  is  the  supreme  law;  that 
neither  a  State  nor  the  citizens  of  a  State  can  disregard 
it ;  and  yet,  armed  as  he  is  with  all  the  executive  power, 
he  refuses  even  to  protect  the  property  of  the  United 
States  against  armed  violence.  He  will  not  hear  General 
Cass,  the  head  of  his  cabinet.  He  will  not  heed  General 
Scott,  the  head  of  the  army.  He  has  transferred  to 
Southern  States  more  than  one  hundred  thousand  arms, 
of  the  newest  pattern  and  most  effective  calibre,  to  be 
turned  against  the  Government. 

The  American  people  are  now  trembling  with  appre 
hension  lest  the  President  allows  our  officers  and  soldiers 
to  be  slaughtered  at  their  posts  for  want  of  the  aid  which 
he  has  refused,  or  what  is  far  more  disgraceful,  shall 
order  the  flag  of  the  Union  to  be  lowered  without  resist 
ance  to  lawless  force. 

Treason  sits  in  the  councils,  and  timidity  controls  the 
executive  power.  The  President  listens  to,  and  is  con 
trolled  by  threats.  He  theorizes  about  coercing  a  State 
when  he  should  be  enforcing  the  laws  against  rebellious 
citizens.  He  admits  that  the  States  have  surrendered 
the  power  to  make  treaties,  coin  money  and  regulate 


GROUNDLESS  FEARS  OF  THE  SOUTH     95 

commerce,  and  yet  we  will  probably  have  the  novel  and 
ridiculous  farce  of  a  negotiation  between  the  President 
and  a  State  for  the  surrender  of  forts  and  arsenals  and 
sovereignty.  Congress  can  do  nothing,  for  the  laws  now 
are  sufficient,  if  executed.  Impeachment  is  too  slow  a 
remedy.  The  Constitution  provided  against  every  prob 
able  vacancy  in  the  office  of  President,  but  did  not  pro 
vide  for  utter  imbecility. 

The  people,  alarmed,  excited,  yet  true  to  the  Union 
and  the  Constitution,  are  watching  with  eager  fear,  lest 
the  noble  Government,  baptized  in  the  blood  of  the  Revo 
lution,  shall  be  broken  into  fragments,  before  the  Presi 
dent  elect  shall  assume  the  functions  of  his  office. 

What  pretext  is  given  for  this  alarming  condition  of 
affairs?  for  every  treasonable  act  has  its  pretext.  We 
are  told  that  the  people  of  the  Southern  States  apprehend 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  will  deprive  them  of  their  constitutional 
rights.  It  is  not  claimed  that,  as  yet,  their  rights  have 
been  invaded,  but  upon  an  apprehension  of  evil,  they  will 
break  up  the  most  prosperous  Government  the  providence 
of  God  ever  allowed  to  man. 

We  know  very  well  how  groundless  are  their  apprehen 
sions,  but  we  are  not  even  allowed  to  say  so  to  our  fellow- 
citizens  of  the  South.  So  wild  is  their  apprehension,  that 
even  such  statesmen  as  Stephens,  Johnson,  Hill,  Botts, 
and  Pettigrew,  when  they  say,  "wait,  wait,  till  we  see 
what  this  Eepublican  party  will  attempt,"  are  denounced 
as  Abolitionists,  —  Submissionists.  You  know  very  well 
that  we  do  not  propose  to  interfere  in  the  slightest  degree 
with  slavery  in  the  States.  We  know  that  our  leader, 
for  whose  election  you  rejoice,  has,  over  and  over  again, 
affirmed  his  opposition  to  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the 
District  of  Columbia,  except  upon  conditions  that  are  not 
likely  to  occur ;  to  any  interference  with  the  inter-State 


96  THE  SHEEMAN  LETTEE8 

slave  trade ;  and  that  lie  will  enforce  the  constitutional 
right  of  the  citizens  of  the  slave  States  to  recapture  their 
fugitive  slaves  when  they  escape  from  service  into  the 
free  States.  We  know  very  well  that  the  great  objects 
which  those  who  elected  Mr.  Lincoln  expect  him  to  ac 
complish  will  be  to  secure  to  free  labor  its  just  right  to 
the  Territories  of  the  United  States ;  to  protect,  as  far  as 
practicable,  by  wise  revenue  laws,  the  labor  of  our  people ; 
to  secure  the  public  lands  to  actual  settlers,  instead  of  to 
non-resident  speculators ;  to  develop  the  internal  resources 
of  the  country  by  opening  new  means  of  communication 
between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Pacific,  and  to  purify  the 
administration  of  the  Government  from  the  pernicious 
influences  of  jobs,  contracts  and  unreasonable  party 
warfare. 

But,  some  of  you  may  say,  all  this  is  very  well,  but 
what  will  you  do  to  save  the  Union?  Why  don't  you 
compromise  ? 

Gentlemen,  remember  that  we  are  just  recovering  from 
the  dishonor  of  breaking  a  legislative  compromise.  We 
have  been  struggling,  against  all  the  powers  of  the  Gov 
ernment,  for  six  years,  to  secure  practically  what  was 
expressly  granted  by  a  compromise.  We  have  succeeded. 
Kansas  is  now  free.  The  Missouri  restriction  is  now 
practically  restored  by  the  incipient  Constitution  of 
Kansas,  and  safer  yet  by  the  will  of  her  people.  The 
baptism  of  strife  through  which  she  has  passed  has  only 
strengthened  the  prohibition.  There  let  it  stand. 

But,  our  political  opponents,  who  have  dishonored  the 
word  "  compromise,"  who  trampled,  without  a  moment's 
hesitation,  upon  a  compromise,  when  they  expected  to 
gain  by  it,  now  ask  us  to  again  compromise  by  securing 
slavery  south  of  a  geographical  line.  To  this  we  might 
fairly  say:  There  is  no  occasion  for  compromise.  We 


SLAVERY  IN   THE  TEEEITOEIES  97 

have  done  no  wrong;  we  have  no  apologies  to  make,  and 
no  concessions  to  offer.  You  chose  your  ground,  and  we 
accepted  your  issue.  We  have  beaten  you,  and  you  must 
submit,  as  we  have  done  in  the  past,  and  as  we  should 
have  done  if  the  voice  of  the  people  had  been  against  us. 
As  good  citizens  you  must  obey  the  laws,  and  respect  the 
constituted  authorities.  But  we  will  meet  new  questions 
of  administration  with  a  liberal  spirit.  Without  surren 
dering  our  convictions  in  the  least,  we  may  now  dispose 
of  the  whole  Territorial  controversy  by  the  exercise  of 
unquestioned  Congressional  power. 

The  only  Territory,  south  of  the  line,  except  that 
which,  by  treaty  with  Indian  tribes,  cannot  be  included 
within  the  jurisdiction  of  a  State,  is  New  Mexico.  She 
has  now  population  enough  for  admission  as  a  State. 
Let  Congress  admit  her  as  a  State,  and  then  she  has  the 
acknowledged  right  to  form,  regulate,  change  or  modify 
her  domestic  institutions.  She  has  now  a  nominal  slave 
code  framed,  and  urged  upon  her  by  Territorial  officers. 
Practically,  slavery  does  not  exist  there.  It  never  can 
be  established  there.  In  a  region  where  the  earth  yields 
her  increase  only  by  the  practice  of  irrigation,  slave  labor 
will  not  be  employed.  At  any  rate,  it  is  better  to  settle 
all  questions  about  slavery  there,  by  admitting  the  Terri 
tory  as  a  State.  While  a  Territory,  it  is  insisted  that 
slavery  shall  be  protected  in  it.  We  insist  that  Congress 
may  prohibit  it ;  and  that  the  people  have  an  undisputed 
right  to  exclude  slaves.  Why  not,  by  terminating  their 
Territorial  condition,  determine  this  controversy  ?  The 
same  course  might  now  properly  be  adopted  with  all  the 
Territories  of  the  United  States. 

In  each  of  the  Territories  there  are  now  small  settle 
ments  scattered  along  the  lines  of  transit.  Within  five 
years,  the  least  populous  will  contain  sufficient  popula- 


98  TEE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

tion  for  a  representative  in  Congress.  Dacotah,  Wash 
ington,  Nevada  and  Jefferson  are  destined  soon  to  be  as 
familiar  to  us  as  Kansas  and  Nebraska.  It  is  well  worthy 
the  consideration  of  the  old  States,  whether  it  is  not 
better  to  dispense  with  all  Territorial  organizations  — 
always  expensive  and  turbulent  —  and,  at  once,  to  carve 
the  whole  into  States  of  convenient  size  for  admission. 
This  was  the  Jeffersonian  plan,  which  did  not  contem 
plate  Territories,  but  States.  It  was  also  sanctioned  by 
General  Taylor,  and,  but  for  his  death,  would  have  been 
adopted. 

This  is  an  easy,  effectual  remedy,  within  the  power  of 
Congress,  and  in  its  nature  an  irrevocable  act.  There  is 
no  necessity  of  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution.  It 
is  not  at  all  probable  that  two-thirds  of  both  Houses  of 
Congress  and  three-fourths  of  the  States  can  agree  to  any 
amendments.  Why  attempt  it,  unless  to  invite  new 
conquests,  new  acquisitions,  to  again  arouse  sectional 
animosities?  We  know  that  if  Mexico  is  acquired,  the 
South  will  demand  it  for  slavery,  and  the  North  for  free 
institutions.  We  must  forego,  for  the  present,  new  con 
quests,  unless  the  love  of  acquisition  is  stronger  than  the 
love  of  domestic  peace. 

Suppose  it  to  be  conceded  that  the  Constitution  should 
be  amended,  what  amendment  will  satisfy  the  South? 
Nothing  less  than  the  protection  of  slavery  in  the  Terri 
tories.  But  our  people  have  pronounced  against  it.  All 
who  voted  for  Mr.  Lincoln  or  Mr.  Douglas  —  over  three 
million  three  hundred  thousand  citizens  —  voted  against 
this  claim.  Less  than  a  million  voted  for  it.  Should  the 
great  majority  yield  to  a  meagre  minority,  especially 
under  threats  of  disunion  ?  This  minority  demand  that 
slavery  be  protected  by  the  Constitution.  Our  fathers 
would  not  allow  the  word  "  slave  "  or  "  slavery  "  in  the 


OPPOSED   TO  COMPROMISE  99 

Constitution- when  all  the  States  but  one  were  slave- 
holding.  Shall  we  introduce  these  words  when  a  ma 
jority  of  the  States  are  free,  and  when  the  progress  of 
civilization  has  arrayed  the  world  against  slavery?  If 
the  love  of  peace,  and  ease,  and  office,  should  tempt  poli 
ticians  and  merchants  to  do  it,  the  people  will  rebel.  I 
assure  you,  whatever  may  be  the  consequence,  they  will 
not  yield  their  moral  convictions  by  strengthening  the 
influence  of  slavery  in  this  country.  Recent  events  have 
only  deepened  this  feeling.  The  struggle  to  establish 
slavery  in  Kansas ;  the  frequent  murders  and  mobbings, 
in  the  South,  of  Northern  citizens;  the  present  turbu 
lence  and  violence  of  Southern  society ;  the  manifest  fear 
of  the  freedom  of  speech  and  of  the  press ;  the  danger  of 
insurrection ;  and  now  the  attempt  to  subvert  the  Gov 
ernment  rather  than  submit  to  a  constitutional  election 
—  these  events,  disguise  it  as  you  may,  have  aroused  a 
counter  irritation  in  the  North  that  will  not  allow  its 
Eepresentatives  to  yield,  merely  for  peace,  more  than  is 
prescribed  by  the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  Constitution. 
Every  guarantee  of  this  instrument  ought  to  be  faithfully 
and  religiously  observed.  But  when  it  is  proposed  to 
change  it,  to  secure  new  guarantees  to  slavery,  to  extend 
and  protect  it,  you  awake  and  arouse  the  anti-slavery 
feeling  of  the  North  to  war  against  slavery  everywhere. 

I  am,  therefore,  opposed  to  any  change  in  the  Constitu 
tion,  and  to  any  compromise  that  will  surrender  any  of 
the  principles  sanctioned  by  the  people  in  the  recent  con 
test.  If  the  personal-liberty  bills  of  any  State  infringe 
upon  the  Constitution,  they  should  at  once  be  repealed. 
Most  of  them  have  slumbered  upon  the  Statute-book  for 
years.  They  are  now  seized  upon  by  those  who  are  plot 
ting  disunion  as  a  pretext.  We  should  give  them  no 
pretext.  It  is  always  right  and  proper  for  each  State  to 
apply  to  State  laws  the  test  of  the  Constitution. 


100  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

It  is  a  remarkable  fact  that  none  of  the  border  free 
States  —  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illi 
nois,  nor  Iowa  —  have  any  such  upon  their  Statute-books. 
The  laws  of  these  States  against  kidnapping  are  similar 
to  those  of  Virginia  and  Kentucky.  The  laws  of  other 
States,  so  called,  have  never  operated  to  release  a  single 
fugitive  slave,  and  may  be  regarded  simply  as  a  protest 
of  those  States  against  the  harsh  features  of  the  fugitive- 
slave  law.  So  far  as  they  infringe  upon  the  Constitution, 
or  impair,  in  the  least,  a  constitutional  right,  they  are 
void  and  ought  to  be  repealed. 

I  venture  the  assertion,  jthat  there  have  been  more 
cases  of  kidnapping  of  free  negroes,  in  Ohio,  than  of 
peaceable  or  unlawful  rescue  of  fugitive  slaves  in  the 
whole  United  States.  It  has  been  shown  that  the  law 
of  recapture  and  the  penalties  of  rescue  have  been  almost 
invariably  executed.  Count  up  all  the  cases  of  rescue  of 
negroes  in  the  North,  and  you  can  find  in  your  news 
papers  more  cases  of  unlawful  lynching  and  murder  of 
white  men  in  the  South.  These  cases  have  now  become 
so  frequent  and  atrocious,  as  to  demand  the  attention  of 
the  General  Government.  The  same  article  of  the  Con 
stitution  that  secures  the  recapture  of  fugitives  from 
service  and  justice  also  secures  the  rights  of  citizens  of 
Pennsylvania  and  Ohio  to  all  the  immunities  and  privi 
leges  of  citizens  of  the  several  States.  No  law  has  been 
passed  by  Congress  to  secure  this  constitutional  right. 
No  executive  authority  interposes  to  protect  our  citizens, 
and  yet  we  hear  no  threats  of  retaliation  or  rebellion  from 
Northern  citizens  or  Northern  States.  So,  I  trust,  it  may 
ever  be. 

The  great  danger  that  now  overshadows  us  does  not 
arise  from  real  grievances.  Plotters  for  disunion  avail 
themselves  of  the  weakness  of  the  Executive  to  precipi- 


INSIGNIFICANCE  OF  SOUTH  CAEOLINA      101 

tate  revolution.  South  Carolina  has  taken  the  lead.  The 
movement  would  be  utterly  insignificant  if  confined  to 
that  State.  She  is  still  in  the  Union,  and  neither  the 
President  nor  Congress  has  the  power  to  consent  to  her 
withdrawal.  This  can  only  be  by  a  change  in  the  Con 
stitution,  or  by  the  acquiescence  of  the  people  of  the 
other  States.  The  defence  of  the  property  of  the  United 
States  and  the  collection  of  the  revenues  need  not  cause 
the  shedding  of  blood,  unless  she  commences  a  contest  of 
physical  force.  The  increase,  in  one  year,  of  our  popu 
lation  is  greater  than  her  entire  population,  white  and 
black.  Either  one  of  several  Congressional  districts  in 
the  West  has  more  white  inhabitants  than  she  has.  Her 
military  power  is  crippled  by  the  preponderance  of  her 
slaves.  However  brave,  and  gallant,  and  spirited  her 
people  may  be,  and  no  one  disputes  these  traits,  yet  it 
is  manifest  she  is  weak  in  physical  force.  This  great 
Government  might  well  treat  with  indulgence  paper 
secession,  or  the  resolves  of  her  Convention  and  Legis 
lature,  without  invoking  physical  force  to  enforce  the 
laws  among  her  citizens. 

Without  disrespect  to  South  Carolina,  it  would  be  easy 
to  show  that  Shays's  rebellion  and  the  whiskey  insurrec 
tion  involved  the  Government  in  greater  danger  than  the 
solitary  secession  of  South  Carolina.  But  the  movement 
becomes  imposing  when  we  are  assured  that  several  power 
ful  States  will  very  soon  follow  in  the  lead  of  South 
Carolina;  and  when  we  know  that  other  States,  still 
more  powerful,  sympathize  with  the  seceding  States, 
to  the  extent  of  opposing,  and  perhaps  resisting,  the 
execution  of  the  laws  in  the  seceding  States. 

In  this  view  of  the  present  condition  of  public  affairs 
it  becomes  the  people  of  the  United  States  seriously  to 
consider  whether  the  Government  shall  be  arrested  in 


102  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

the  execution  of  its  undisputed  powers  by  the  citizens 
of  one  or  more  States,  or  whether  we  shall  test  the 
power  of  the  Government  to  defend  itself  against  disso 
lution.  Can  a  separation  take  place  without  war?  If 
so,  where  will  be  the  line?  Who  shall  possess  this 
magnificent  capital,  with  all  its  evidences  of  progress 
and  civilization?  Shall  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi 
be  separated  from  its  sources?  Who  shall  possess  the 
Territories?  Suppose  these  difficulties  to  be  overcome; 
suppose  that  in  peace  we  should  huckster  and  divide  up 
our  nationality,  our  flag,  our  history,  all  the  recollections 
of  the  past ;  suppose  all  these  difficulties  overcome,  how 
can  two  rival  Republics,  of  the  same  race  of  men,  divided 
only  by  a  line  or  a  river  for  thousands  of  miles,  with 
all  the  present  difficulties  aggravated  by  separation,  avoid 
forays,  disputes  and  war  ?  How  can  we  travel  our  future 
march  of  progress  in  Mexico,  or  on  the  high  seas,  or  on 
the  Pacific  slope,  without  collision?  It  is  impossible. 
To  peaceably  accomplish  such  results,  we  must  change 
the  nature  of  man.  Disunion  is  war!  God  knows,  I 
do  not  threaten  it,  for  I  will  seek  to  prevent  it  in  every 
way  possible.  I  speak  but  the  logic  of  facts,  which  we 
should  not  conceal  from  each  other.  It  is  either  hostili 
ties  between  the  Government  and  the  seceding  States ; 
or,  if  separation  is  yielded  peaceably,  it  is  a  war  of  fac 
tions —  a  rivalry  of  insignificant  communities,  hating 
each  other,  and  contemned  by  the  civilized  world.  If 
war  results,  what  a  war  it  will  be!  Contemplate  the 
North  and  South  in  hostile  array  against  each  other. 
If  these  sections  do  not  know  each  other  now,  they  will 
then. 

We  are  a  nation  of  military  men,  naturally  turbulent 
because  we  are  free,  accustomed  to  arms,  ingenious,  ener 
getic,  brave  and  strong.  The  same  qualities  that  have  en- 


A  PLEA  FOE   UNION  103 

abled  a  single  generation  of  men  to  develop  the  resources 
of  a  continent,  would  enable  us  to  destroy  more  rapidly 
than  we  have  constructed.  It  is  idle  for  individuals  of 
either  section  to  suppose  themselves  superior  in  military 
power.  The  French  and  English  tried  that  question  for 
a  thousand  years.  We  ought  to  know  it  now.  The  re 
sult  of  the  contest  will  not  depend  upon  the  first  blow  or 
the  first  year,  but  blood  shed  in  civil  war  will  yield  its 
baleful  fruits  for  generations. 

How  can  we  avert  a  calamity  at  which  humanity  and 
civilization  shudder?  I  know  no  way  but  to  cling  to 
the  Government  framed  by  our  fathers,  to  administer  it 
in  a  spirit  of  kindness,  but  in  all  cases,  without  partiality 
to  enforce  the  laws.  No  State  can  release  us  from  the 
duty  of  obeying  the  laws.  The  ordinance  or  act  of  a 
State  is  no  defence  for  treason,  nor  does  it  lessen  the 
moral  guilt  of  that  crime.  Let  us  cling  to  each  other  in 
the  hope  that  our  differences  will  pass  away,  as  they  often 
have  in  times  past.  For  the  sake  of  peace,  for  the  love 
of  civil  liberty,  for  the  honor  of  our  name,  our  race,  our 
religion,  let  us  preserve  the  Union,  loving  it  better  as  the 
clouds  grow  darker.  I  am  willing  to  unite  with  any  man, 
whatever  may  have  been  his  party  relations,  whatever 
may  be  his  views  of  the  existing  differences,  who  is  will 
ing  to  rely  on  the  Constitution  as  it  is  for  his  rights,  and 
who  is  willing  to  maintain  and  defend  the  Union  under 
all  circumstances,  against  all  enemies,  at  home  or  abroad. 

Pardon  me,  gentlemen,  for  writing  you  so  fully.  I  feel 
restrained,  by  the  custom  of  the  House  of  Eepresenta- 
tives,  from  engaging  there  in  political  debate ;  and  yet  I 
feel  it  is  the  duty  of  every  citizen  to  prepare  his  country 
men  for  grave  events,  that  will  test  the  strength  and  in 
tegrity  of  the  Government. 

Believing  that   our  only  safety  is  in  a  firm  enforce- 


104  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

ment  of  the  laws,  and  that  Mr.  Lincoln  will  execute  that 
duty  without  partiality,  I  join  my  hearty  congratulations 
with  yours  that  he  is  so  soon  to  be  the  President  of  the 
United  States.  With  great  respect,  I  remain,  very  truly 
Your  obedient  servant, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

MESSRS.  WM.  READ,  D.  J.  COCHRAN,  L.  S.  FLETCHER, 
H.  E.  WALLACE,  CHARLES  O'NEILL,  Committee. 

Governor  Moore  of  Louisiana  took  possession  of  the 
Arsenal  at  Baton  Eouge,  January  10,  1861.  General 
Sherman  comments  upon  this  in  a  letter  written  to  his 
brother,  January  16,  and  regarding  it  as  a  declaration  of 
war,  sends  in  his  resignation  January  18,  a  copy  of 
which  he  encloses  to  John  Sherman  in  a  letter  written 
the  same  day. 

ALEXANDRIA,  Jan.  16th,  1861. 

My  Dear  Brother:  I  am  so  much  in  the  woods  here 
that  I  can't  keep  up  with  the  times  at  all.  Indeed,  you 
in  Washington  hear  from  New  Orleans  two  or  three 
days  sooner  than  I  do.  I  was  taken  aback  by  the  news 
that  Governor  Moore  had  ordered  the  forcible  seizure 
of  the  Forts  Jackson  and  St.  Philip,  at  or  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Mississippi ;  also  of  Forts  Pike  and  Wood, 
at  the  outlets  of  Lakes  Bogue  and  Pontchartrain.  All 
these  are  small  forts,  and  have  rarely  been  occupied  by 
troops.  They  are  designed  to  cut  off  approach  by  sea 
to  New  Orleans,  and  were  taken  doubtless  to  prevent 
their  being  occupied,  by  order  of  General  Scott.  But 
the  taking  the  arsenal  at  Baton  Kouge  is  a  different 
matter.  It  is  merely  an  assemblage  of  store-houses, 
barracks,  and  dwelling-houses  designed  for  the  healthy 
residence  of  a  garrison,  to  be  thrown  into  one  or  the 
other  of  the  forts  in  case  of  war.  The  arsenal  is  one  of 
minor  importance,  yet  the  stores  were  kept  there  for  the 


RESIGNS  AT  ALEXANDRIA  105 

moral  effect,  and  the  garrison  was  there  at  the  instance 
of  the  people  of  Louisiana.  To  surround  with  the 
military  array,  to  demand  surrender,  and  enforce  the  de 
parture  of  the  garrison,  was  an  act  of  war.  It  amounted 
to  a  declaration  of  war  and  defiance,  and  was  done  by 
Governor  Moore  without  the  authority  of  the  Legisla 
ture  or  Convention.  Still,  there  is  but  little  doubt  but 
that  each  of  these  bodies,  to  assemble  next  week,  will 
ratify  and  approve  these  violent  acts,  and  it  is  idle  to 
discuss  the  subject  now.  The  people  are  mad  on  this 
question. 

I  had  previously  notified  all  that  in  the  event  of 
secession  I  should  quit.  As  soon  as  a  knowledge  of  these 
events  reached  me,  I  went  to  the  vice-president,  Dr. 
Smith,  in  Alexandria,  and  told  him  that  I  regarded 
Louisiana  as  at  war  against  the  Federal  Government, 
and  that  I  must  go.  He  begged  me  to  wait  until  some 
one  could  be  found  to  replace  me.  The  supervisors  feel 
the  importance  of  system  and  discipline,  and  seem  to 
think  that  my  departure  will  endanger  the  success  of 
this  last  effort  to  build  up  an  educational  establishment. 
.  .  .  You  may  assert  that  in  no  event  will  I  forego  my 
allegiance  to  the  United  States  as  long  as  a  single  State 
is  true  to  the  old  Constitution. 

Yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

LOUISIANA  STATE  SEMINARY  OF  LEARNING  AND 

MILITARY  ACADEMY, 
ALEXANDRIA,  Jan.  18,  1861. 

Dear  Brother:  Before  receiving  yours  of  the  7th,1  I 
had  addressed  a  letter  to  Governor  Moore  at  Baton 
Rouge,  of  which  this  is  a  copy :  — 

i  Meaning  the  letter  of  the  6th. 


106  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

"  Sir :  As  I  occupy  a  quasi  military  position  under  the 
laws  of  the  State,  I  deem  it  proper  to  acquaint  you  that 
I  accepted  such  position  when  Louisiana  was  a  State  in 
the  Union  and  when  the  motto  of  this  seminary  was 
inscribed  in  marble  over  the  main  door :  <By  the  liberality 
of  the  General  Government.  The  Union  Esto  perpetua.' 
Recent  events  foreshadow  a  great  change,  and  it  becomes 
all  men  to  choose.  If  Louisiana  withdraw  from  the 
Federal  Union,  I  prefer  to  maintain  my  allegiance  to  the 
old  constitution  as  long  as  a  fragment  of  it  survives,  and 
my  longer  stay  here  would  be  wrong  in  every  sense  of 
the  word.  In  that  event  I  beg  that  you  will  send  or 
appoint  some  authorized  agent  to  take  charge  of  the 
arms  and  munitions  of  war  here  belonging  to  the  State 
or  advise  me  what  disposition  to  make  of  them.  And 
furthermore,  as  President  of  the  Board  of  Supervisors, 
I  beg  you  to  take  immediate  steps  to  relieve  me  as 
superintendent  the  moment  the  State  determines  to  se 
cede;  for  on  no  earthly  account  will  I  do  any  act  or 
think  any  thought  hostile  to  or  in  defiance  of  the  United 
States. 

"  With  respect,  etc. 

«W.  T.  SHERMAN." 

I  regard  the  seizure  by  Governor  Moore  of  the  United 
States  Arsenal  as  the  worst  act  yet  committed  in  the 
present  revolution.  I  do  think  every  allowance  should 
be  made  to  Southern  politicians  for  their  nervous  anxiety 
about  their  political  power  and  the  safety  of  slaves.  I 
think  that  the  constitution  should  be  liberally  construed 
in  their  behalf,  but  I  do  regard  this  civil  war  as  precipi 
tated  with  undue  rapidity.  ...  It  is  inevitable.  All 
the  legislation  now  would  fall  powerless  on  the  South. 
You  should  not  alienate  such  States  as  Virginia,  Ken 
tucky,  Tennessee,  and  Missouri.  My  notion  is  that  this 
war  will  ruin  all  politicians,  and  that  military  leaders 

will  direct  the  events. 

Yours, 

W.  T.  S. 


GOVERNOR    MOORE'S    ACCEPTANCE          107 

In  the  following  letter  of  February  1st,  the  General 
quotes  the  handsome  note  from  Governor  Moore  accept 
ing  his  resignation :  — 

I  have  felt  the  very  thoughts  you  have  spoken.  It  is 
war  to  surround  Anderson  with  batteries,  and  it  is  shilly 
shally  for  the  South  to  cry  "  Hands  off  !  No  coercion  !  " 
It  was  war  and  insult  to  expel  the  garrison  at  Baton 
Rouge,  and  Uncle  Sam  had  better  cry  Cave  !  or  assert 
his  power.  Fort  Sumter  is  not  material,  save  for  the 
principle ;  but  Key  West  and  the  Tortugas  should  be 
held  in  force  at  once,  by  regulars  if  possible,  if  not, 
by  militia.  Quick !  They  are  occupied  now,  but  not  in 
force.  Whilst  maintaining  the  high,  strong  ground  you 
do,  I  would  not  advise  you  to  interpose  an  objection  to 
securing  concessions  to  the  middle  and  moderate  States, 
— Virginia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  and  Missouri.  Slavery 
there  is  local,  and  even  if  the  world  were  open  to  them, 
its  extension  would  involve  no  principle.  If  these  States 
feel  the  extreme  South  wrong,  a  seeming  concession 
would  make  them  committed.  The  cotton  States  are 
gone,  I  suppose.  Of  course,  their  commerce  will  be 
hampered. 

But  of  myself.     I  sent  you  a  copy  of  my  letter  to  the 
Governor.     Here  is  his  answer  :  — 

"  Dear  Sir :  It  is  with  the  deepest  regret  I  acknowl 
edge  the  receipt  of  your  letter  of  the  18th  instant.  In 
the  pressure  of  official  business  I  can  now  only  request 
you  to  transfer  to  Professor  Smith  the  arms,  munitions, 
and  funds  in  your  hands  whenever  you  conclude  to  with 
draw  from  the  position  you  have  filled  with  so  much 
distinction.  You  cannot  regret  more  than  I  do  the 
necessity  which  deprives  us  of  your  services,  and  you 
will  bear  with  you  the  respect,  confidence,  and  admira 
tion  of  all  who  have  been  associated  with  you. 
"  Very  truly,  your  friend  and  servant, 

"Tnos.  D.  MOORE." 


108  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

This  is  very  handsome,  and  I  do  regret  this  political 
imbroglio.  I  do  think  it  was  brought  about  by  politi 
cians.  The  people  in  the  South  are  evidently  unanimous 
in  the  opinion  that  slavery  is  endangered  by  the  current 
of  events,  and  it  is  useless  to  attempt  to  alter  that  opin 
ion.  As  our  government  is  founded  on  the  will  of  the 
people,  when  that  will  is  fixed,  our  government  is  pow 
erless,  and  the  only  question  is  whether  to  let  things 
slide  into  general  anarchy,  or  the  formation  of  two  or 
more  confederacies,  which  will  be  hostile  sooner  or  later. 
Still,  I  know  that  some  of  the  best  men  of  Louisiana 
think  this  change  may  be  effected  peacefully.  But  even 
if  the  Southern  States  be  allowed  to  depart  in  peace,  the 
first  question  will  be  revenue. 

Now,  if  the  South  have  free  trade,  how  can  you  collect 
revenues  in  the  eastern  cities  ?  Freight  from  New 
Orleans  to  St.  Louis,  Chicago,  Louisville,  Cincinnati,  and 
even  Pittsburgh,  would  be  about  the  same  as  by  rail  from 
New  York,  and  importers  at  New  Orleans,  having  no 
duties  to  pay,  would  undersell  the  East  if  they  had  to 
pay  duties.  Therefore,  if  the  South  make  good  their 
confederation  and  their  plan,  the  Northern  confederacy 
must  do  likewise  or  blockade.  Then  comes  the  question 
of  foreign  nations.  So,  look  on  it  in  any  view,  I  see  no 
result  but  war  and  consequent  changes  in  the  form  of 
government. 

In  March  of  1861  General  Sherman  started  north  by 
the  Mississippi  Eiver.  On  the  way,  and  after  reaching 
Ohio,  he  heard  discussions  as  to  the  advisability  of  coer 
cion.  Whereas  in  the  South  there  was  absolute  unanim 
ity  of  opinion  and  universal  preparation  for  war,  in  the 
North  there  was  merely  argument  and  apathy.  After 
leaving  his  family  at  Lancaster,  he  went  to  Washington, 
still  uncertain  as  to  his  next  move.  While  there,  he 
called  on  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  stated  his  fears  and  convic- 


INTERVIEW  WITH  LINCOLN  109 

tions  as  to  war  and  the  gravity  of  it.  Mr.  Lincoln  treated 
all  he  said  with  some  scorn  and  absolute  disregard,  and 
remarked,  "Oh,  well,  I  guess  we'll  manage  to  keep 
house."1  This,  with  the  general  unconcern  regarding 
the  necessity  of  military  interference,  discouraged  Gen 
eral  Sherman,  and,  greatly  dispirited,  he  returned  to 
Ohio,  and  took  his  family  to  St.  Louis  after  ascertaining 
from  friends  that,  in  all  probability,  Missouri  would  stick 
to  the  Union.  In  writing  at  this  time  he  says  :  — 

Lincoln  has  an  awful  task,  and  if  he  succeeds  in  avoid 
ing  strife  and  allaying  fears,  he  will  be  entitled  to  the 
admiration  of  the  world ;  but  a  time  has  occurred  in  all 
governments,  and  has  now  occurred  in  this,  when  force 
must  back  the  laws,  and  the  longer  the  postponement, 
the  more  severe  must  be  the  application. 

On  April  8th  General  Sherman  writes  to  his  brother:  — 

Saturday  night  late  I  received  this  despatch :  "  Will 
you  accept  the  Chief  Clerkship  in  the  War  Department  ? 
We  will  make  you  Assistant  Secretary  when  Congress 
meets.  —  M.  BLAIR."  This  morning  I  answered  by  tele 
graph  :  "  I  cannot  accept." 

In  writing  to  explain  his  refusal,  he  does  not  state  the 
real  reason,  which  was  undoubtedly  that  he  preferred 
active  service.  John  Sherman's  letter  of  April  12th 
approves  of  the  determination,  and  states  more  fully  his 
reasons  for  advising  it.  It  is  interesting  to  see,  from  the 
very  first,  John  Sherman's  belief  in  his  brother's  talents 
as  a  soldier,  and  conviction  that  he  will  rise  to  a  high 
position  in  the  army  in  the  event  of  war.  Through  all 
of  General  Sherman's  letters  of  that  time  there  are  evi 
dences  of  very  sincere  distrust  of  himself  and  depreca 
tion  of  John's  flattering  belief. 

i  See  Memoirs  of  Gen.  W.  T.  Sherman,  Vol.  I.,  p.  196. 


110  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

WASHINGTON,  April  12,  1861. 

Dear  Brother:  I  was  unexpectedly  called  here  soon 
after  receiving  your  letter  of  the  8th,  and  at  midnight 
write  you.  The  military  excitement  here  is  intense. 
Since  my  arrival  I  have  seen  all  the  heads  of  depart 
ments  except  Blair,  several  officers,  and  many  citizens. 
There  is  a  fixed  determination  now  to  preserve  the  Union 
and  enforce  the  laws  at  all  hazards.  Civil  war  is  actually 
upon  us,  and  strange  to  say,  it  brings  a  feeling  of  relief : 
the  suspense  is  over.  I  have  spent  much  of  the  day  in 
talking  about  you.  There  is  an  earnest  desire  that  you 
go  into  the  War  Department,  but  I  said  this  was  impos 
sible.  Chase  is  especially  desirous  that  you  accept,  say 
ing  that  you  would  be  virtually  Secretary  of  War,  and 
could  easily  step  into  any  military  position  that  offers. 

It  is  well  for  you  seriously  to  consider  your  conclu 
sion,  although  my  opinion  is  that  you  ought  not  to  accept. 
You  ought  to  hold  yourself  in  reserve.  If  troops  are 
called  for,  as  they  surely  will  be  in  a  few  days,  organize 
a  regiment  or  brigade,  either  in  St.  Louis  or  Ohio,  and 
you  will  then  get  into  the  army  in  such  a  way  as  to 
secure  promotion.  By  all  means  take  advantage  of  the 
present  disturbances  to  get  into  the  army,  where  you  will 
at  once  put  yourself  in  a  high  position  for  life.  I  know 
that  promotion  and  every  facility  for  advancement  will 
be  cordially  extended  by  the  authorities.  You  are  a 
favorite  in  the  army  and  have  great  strength  in  political 
circles.  I  urge  you  to  avail  yourself  of  these  favorable 
circumstances  to  secure  your  position  for  life ;  for,  after 
all,  your  present  employment  is  of  uncertain  tenure  in 
these  stirring  times. 

Let  me  now  record  a  prediction.  Whatever  you  may 
think  of  the  signs  of  the  times,  the  Government  will  rise 
from  this  strife  greater,  stronger,  and  more  prosperous 


REGULARS  VS.   RAW  RECRUITS  111 

than  ever.  It  will  display  energy  and  military  power. 
The  men  who  have  confidence  in  it  and  do  their  full 
duty  by  it  may  reap  whatever  there  is  of  honor  and 
profit  in  public  life,  while  those  who  look  on  merely  as 
spectators  in  the  storm  will  fail  to  discharge  the  highest 
duty  of  a  citizen,  and  suffer  accordingly  in  public  esti 
mation.  .  .  . 

I  write  this  in  a  great  hurry,  with  numbers  around 
me,  and  exciting  and  important  intelligence  constantly 
repeated,  even  at  this  hour ;  but  I  am  none  the  less  in 
earnest.  I  hope  to  hear  that  you  are  on  the  high  road 
to  the  "  General "  within  thirty  days. 

Affectionately  your  brother, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

From  the  time  of  General  Sherman's  conversation  with 
Mr.  Lincoln  he  distrusted  the  preparations  of  the  admin 
istration,  which  savored  greatly  of  militia  and  raw  re 
cruits.  With  this  army  General  Sherman  was  unwilling 
to  cast  his  lot,  believing  that  he  was  worthy  of  a  better 
command  if  of  any.  In  April  he  writes  to  John :  — 

But  I  say  volunteers  and  militia  never  were  and  never 
will  be  fit  for  invasion,  and  when  tried,  it  will  be  defeated, 
and  dropt  by  Lincoln  like  a  hot  potato. 

And  in  the  same  letter :  — 

The  time  will  come  in  this  country  when  professional 
knowledge  will  be  appreciated,  when  men  that  can  be 
trusted  will  be  wanted,  and  I  will  bide  my  time.  I  may 
miss  the  chance :  if  so,  all  right ;  but  I  cannot  and  will 
not  mix  myself  in  this  present  call. 

The  first  movements  of  the  government  will  fail  and 
the  leaders  will  be  cast  aside.  A  second  or  third  set  will 
rise,  and  among  them  I  may  be,  but  at  present  I  will  not 


112  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

volunteer  as  a  soldier  or  anything  else.  If  Congress 
meet,  or  if  a  National  Convention  be  called,  and  the 
regular  army  be  put  on  a  footing  with  the  wants  of  the 
country,  if  I  am  offered  a  place  that  suits  me,  I  may 
accept.  But  in  the  present  call  I  will  not  volunteer. 

NOTE.  —  Fort  Sumter,  situated  in  mid-channel  at  the  entrance  to 
Charleston  harbor,  was  the  commanding  point  in  the  defences  of  the 
harbor,  and  was  occupied  at  the  time  of  its  bombardment  by  a  garrison 
of  less  than  100  men  under  Major  Robert  Anderson.  The  first  shot  of 
the  war  was  fired  against  it  by  General  Beauregard  early  on  the  morn 
ing  of  April  12, 1861. 

WASHINGTON,  Sunday,  April  14,  1861. 
Dear  Brother  : 

The  war  has  really  commenced.  You  will  have  full 
details  of  the  fall  of  Sumter.  We  are  on  the  eve  of  a 
terrible  war.  Every  man  will  have  to  choose  his  posi 
tion.  You  fortunately  have  the  military  education, 
prominence,  and  character,  that  will  enable  you  to  play 
a  high  part  in  the  tragedy.  You  can't  avoid  taking  such 
a  part.  Neutrality  and  indifference  are  impossible.  If 
the  government  is  to  be  maintained,  it  must  be  by  mili 
tary  power,  and  that  immediately.  You  can  choose  your 
own  place.  Some  of  your  best  friends  here  want  you  in 
the  War  Department;  Taylor,  Shires,  and  a  number  of 
others  talk  to  me  so.  If  you  want  that  place,  with  a 
sure  prospect  of  promotion,  you  can  have  it,  but  you  are 
not  compelled  to  take  it;  but  it  seems  to  me  you  will 
be  compelled  to  take  some  position,  and  that  speedily. 
Can't  you  come  to  Ohio  and  at  once  raise  a  regiment  ? 
It  will  immediately  be  in  service.  The  administration 
intend  to  stand  or  fall  by  the  Union,  the  entire  Union, 
and  the  enforcement  of  the  laws.  I  look  for  preliminary 
defeats,  for  the  rebels  have  arms,  organization,  unity; 
but  this  advantage  will  not  last  long.  The  government 


UNION  AND  SLAVERY  DISTINCT  QUESTIONS     113 

will  maintain  itself  or  our  Northern  people  are  the  veri 
est  poltroons  that  ever  disgraced  humanity. 

For  me,  I  am  for  a  war  that  will  either  establish  or 
overthrow  the  government  and  will  purify  the  atmos 
phere  of  political  life.  We  need  such  a  war,  and  we 
have  it  now. 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHEKMAN. 

OFFICE  ST.  Louis  RAILROAD  Co., 

ST.  Louis,  April  22,  1861. 
Dear  Brother  : 

I  know  full  well  the  force  of  what  you  say.  At  a 
moment  like  this  the  country  expects  every  man  to  do 
his  duty.  But  every  man  is  not  at  liberty  to  do  as  he 
pleases.  You  know  that  Mr.  Lincoln  said  to  you  and 
me  that  he  did  not  think  he  wanted  military  men.  I 
was  then  free,  uncommitted.  ...  I  approve  fully  of 
Lincoln's  determination  to  use  all  his  ordinary  and  ex 
traordinary  powers  to  maintain  and  defend  the  authority 
with  which  he  is  clothed  and  the  integrity  of  the  nation, 
and  had  I  not  committed  myself  to  another  duty,  I  would 
most  willingly  have  responded  to  his  call. 

The  question  of  the  national  integrity  and  slavery 
should  be  kept  distinct,  for  otherwise  it  will  gradually 
become  a  war  of  extermination,  —  a  war  without  end. 
If,  when  Congress  meets,  a  clearly  denned  policy  be 
arrived  at,  a  clear  end  to  be  accomplished,  and  then  the 
force  adequate  to  that  end  be  provided  for,  then  I  could 
and  would  act  with  some  degree  of  confidence,  not  now. 

I  take  it  for  granted  that  Washington  is  safe;  that 
Pickens  can  beat  off  all  assailants ;  that  Key  West  and 


114  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

Tortugas  are  strong  and  able  to  spare  troops  for  other 
purposes;  that,  above  all,  Fort  Monroe  is  full  of  men, 
provisions,  and  warlike  materials,  and  that  the  Chesa 
peake  is  strongly  occupied.  Then  the  first  thing  will  be 
the  avenues  of  travel.  Baltimore  must  be  made  to  allow 
the  free  transit  of  troops,  provisions,  and  materials  with 
out  question,  and  the  route  from  Wheeling  to  the  Relay 
House  kept  open.  Here  there  must  be  some  fighting, 
but  a  march  from  Brownsville  to  Frostburg  would  be  a 
good  drill,  via  Hagerstown,  Frederick,  and  the  Potomac. 
From  present  information  I  apprehend  that  Virginia 
will  destroy  the  road  from  Harper's  Ferry  west,  and 
maybe  the  Marylanders  will  try  the  balance ;  but,  with 
out  an  hour's  delay,  that  line  should  swarm  with  troops, 
who  should  take  no  half-way  measures. 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

Through  all  the  spring  months,  while  nominally  only 
president  of  a  street-car  company,  General  Sherman's 
mind  is  engaged  in  defending  the  country,  building  forts, 
occupying  positions  of  importance,  and  possessing  rail 
roads.  His  letters  are  full  of  military  suggestions,  some 
of  which  John  Sherman  showed  the  Secretary  of  War, 
Mr.  Cameron,  who,  as  it  will  appear,  acted  upon  them. 

Although  the  Confederate  government  had  been  organ 
ized  and  its  officers  chosen  in  February,  1861,  still  the 
border  slave  States,  and  among  them  Virginia,  had  taken 
no  active  or  open  part  in  the  secession.  Sumter  decided 
them,  and  from  that  time  Virginia  was  enrolled  among 
the  Confederate  States.  She  seceded  April  17th. 

OFFICE  ST.  Louis  RAILROAD  Co., 
Dear  Brother:  ST.  Louis,  April  25,  1861. 

Virginia's  secession  influences  some  six  millions  of 
people.  No  use  in  arguing  about  it  at  all,  but  all  the 


THE  BOEDER   STATES1  ATTITUDE  115 

Virginians,  or  all  who  trace  their  lineage  back,  will  feel 
like  obeying  her  dictates  and  example.  As  a  State,  she 
has  been  proud,  boastful,  and  we  may  say  overbearing ; 
but,  on  the  other  hand,  she,  by  her  governors  and  author 
ity,  has  done  everything  to  draw  her  native-born  back  to 
their  State. 

I  cannot  yet  but  think  that  it  was  a  fatal  mistake  in 
Mr.  Lincoln  not  to  tie  to  his  administration  by  some  kind 
of  link  the  Border  States.  Now  it  is  too  late,  and  sooner 
or  later  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  and  Arkansas  will  be  in 
arms  against  us.  It  is  barely  possible  that  Missouri  may 
yet  be  neutral. 

It  is  pretty  nearly  determined  to  divert  the  half  mil 
lion  set  aside  for  the  July  interest  for  arming  the  State. 
All  the  bankers  but  one  have  consented,  and  the  Governor 
and  legislature  are  strongly  secession.  I  understand  to 
day  the  orders  at  the  custom-house  are  to  refuse  clear 
ance  to  steamboats  to  seceding  States.  All  the  heavy 
trade  with  groceries  and  provisions  is  with  the  South, 
and  this  order  at  once  takes  all  life  from  St.  Louis. 
Merchants,  heretofore  for  peace  and  even  for  backing 
the  administration,  will  now  fall  off,  relax  in  their  exer 
tions,  and  the  result  will  possibly  be  secession,  and  then 
free  States  against  slave,  —  the  horrible  array  so  long 
dreaded.  I  know  Frank  Blair  desired  this  plain,  square 
issue.  It  may  be  that  sooner  or  later  it  is  inevitable,  but 
I  cannot  bring  myself  to  think  so.  On  the  necessity  of 
maintaining  a  government,  and  that  government  the  old 
constitutional  one,  I  have  never  wavered,  but  I  do  recoil 
from  a  war,  when  the  negro  is  the  only  question. 

I  am  informed  that  McClellan  is  appointed  to  command 
the  Ohio  militia,  —  a  most  excellent  appointment;  a  bet 
ter  officer  could  not  be  found. 


116  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

WASHINGTON,  May  30,  1861. 

My  Dear  Brother:  Your  recent  letters  have  been  re 
ceived.  One  of  them  I  read  to  Secretary  Cameron,  and 
he  was  much  pleased  with  some  of  your  ideas,  especially 
with  your  proposition  about  Fort  Smith  and  the  island  off 
Mobile.  The  latter  is  probably  now  in  possession  of  the 
government. 

It  is  probable  that  no  movements  will  be  made  into  the 
cotton  States  before  winter.  A  regular  plan  has  been 
formed  by  General  Scott,  and  is  daily  discussed  and  recon 
sidered  by  him  and  other  officers.  The  movements  now 
occurring  are  merely  incidental,  rather  to  occupy  public 
attention  and  employ  troops  than  to  strike  decisive  blows. 
In  the  meantime  it  is  becoming  manifest  that  the  seces 
sionists  mean  to  retreat  from  position  to  position  until 
they  concentrate  sufficient  force  to  strike  a  decisive  blow. 
I  have  a  fear  not  generally  shared  in  that  now  a  rapid 
concentration  is  taking  place  and  that  we  will,  within  a 
few  days,  have  a  terrible  battle  near  Washington.  Indeed, 
I  don't  see  how  it  can  be  avoided.  General  Butler  at 
Norfolk,  General  McClellan  at  Grafton,  General  Patter 
son  at  Charlesborough,  and  General  Scott  here,  all  con 
centrating,  will  surely  bring  on  a  fight  in  which  I  fear  the 
Virginians  will  concentrate  the  largest  mass.  I  have 
been  all  along  our  lines  on  the  other  side,  and  confess 
that  we  are  weaker  than  I  wish.  Every  day,  however,  is 
adding  to  our  mass  and  strengthening  our  position.  .  .  . 

What  think  you  of  Fremont  and  Banks  as  Major-Gen 
erals  of  Volunteers  and  Schenck  as  Brigadier?  They 
are  all  able  men,  though  I  know  you  don't  like  volun 
teers.  These  appointments  are  generally  satisfactory, 
even  to  the  regular  officers,  many  of  whom  say  that  they 
had  rather  serve  under  able  citizens  than  old-fogy  officers. 
The  old  army  is  a  manifest  discredit.  The  desertion  of 


VOLUNTEER  AIDE  TO  PATTERSON  117 

so  many  officers  (treachery  I  had  better  say),  the  sur 
render  on  parole  in  Texas  of  so  many  officers  where  all 
the  men  were  true  to  their  allegiance,  has  so  stained  the 
whole  regular  course  of  officers  that  it  will  take  good 
conduct  on  their  part  to  retrieve  their  old  position. 

You  are  regarded  with  favor  here.  It  will  be  your 
own  fault  if  you  do  not  gain  a  very  high  position  in  the 
army. 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

On  May  3,  1861,  John  Sherman  writes  from  Phila 
delphia  :  — 

The  time  is  past  for  expedients.  They  must  either 
whip  us  or  we  will  whip  them.  A  threat  of  secession  is 
idle.  Missouri  can't  secede,  nor  can  Virginia  secede.  .  .  . 
Those  Dutch  troops  in  St.  Louis  will  have  enough  back 
ing.  Thank  God,  the  arms  in  the  arsenal  were  not 
stolen.  I  am  now  acting  as  volunteer  aide  to  Major- 
General  Patterson.  Porter,  Belger,  Beckwith,  Patterson, 
Price,  and  others  are  on  his  regular  staff. 

In  John  Sherman's  letter-book  is  a  copy  of  a  letter, 
which  General  Sherman  wrote  to  Secretary  Cameron 
in  1861,  giving  his  reasons  for  not  enlisting  sooner. 
Upon  receipt  of  this,  it  was  decided  at  Washington 
to  make  him  colonel  of  three  battalions  of  regulars,  or 
major-general  of  volunteers. 

OFFICE  ST.  Louis  RAILROAD  Co., 
ST.  Louis,  May  8,  1861. 

HON.  S.  CAMERON,  Secretary  of  War : 

Dear  Sir :  I  hold  myself  now,  as  always,  prepared  to 
serve  my  country  in  the  capacity  for  which  I  was  trained. 


118  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

I  did  not  and  will  not  volunteer  for  three  months,  because 
I  cannot  throw  my  family  on  the  cold  support  of  charity, 
but  for  the  three  years'  call  made  by  the  President  an 
officer  could  prepare  his  command  and  do  good  service. 
I  will  not  volunteer,  because,  rightfully  or  wrongfully,  I 
feel  myself  unwilling  to  take  a  mere  private's  place,  and 
having  for  many  years  lived  in  California  and  Louisiana, 
the  men  are  not  well  enough  acquainted  with  me  to  elect 
me  to  my  appropriate  place.  Should  my  services  be 
needed,  the  Record  or  the  War  Department  will  enable 
you  to  designate  the  station  in  which  I  can  render  best 
service. 

Yours  truly, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

Before  leaving  St.  Louis,  General  Sherman  was  the 
unintentional  witness  of  the  first  fighting  in  the  West, 
of  which  he  gives  the  following  account :  — 

OFFICE  ST.  Louis  KAILROAD  Co., 
ST.  Louis,  May  11,  1861. 

Dear  Brother:  Very  imprudently  I  was  a  witness  of 
the  firing  on  the  people  by  the  United  States  Militia  at 
Camp  Jackson  yesterday.  You  will  hear  all  manner  of 
accounts,  and  as  these  will  be  brought  to  bear  on  the 
present  Legislature  to  precipitate  events,  maybe  seces 
sion,  I  will  tell  you  what  I  saw. 

My  office  is  up  in  Bremen,  the  extreme  north  of  the 
city.  The  arsenal  is  at  the  extreme  south.  The  State 
camp  was  in  a  pretty  grove  directly  west  of  the  city, 
bounded  by  Olive  Street  and  Laclede  Avenue.  I  went 
to  my  house  on  Locust,  between  Eleventh  and  Twelfth, 
at  3  P.M.,  and  saw  the  whole  city  in  commotion,  and 
heard  that  the  United  States  troops  were  marching  from 
the  arsenal  to  capture  the  State  camp.  At  home  I  found 


FIRST  FIGHTING  IN   THE   WEST  119 

Hugh  and  Charley  Ewing  and  John  Hunter  so  excited 
they  would  not  wait  for  dinner,  but  went  out  to  see  the 
expected  battle.  I  had  no  such  curiosity  and  stayed  to 
dinner,  after  which  I  walked  out,  and  soon  met  a  man 
who  told  me  General  Frost  had  surrendered.  I  went 
back  home  and  told  Ellen,  then  took  Willy  to  see  the 
soldiers  march  back.  I  kept  on  walking,  and  about 
5.30  P.M.  found  myself  in  the  grove,  with  soldiers  all 
round,  standing  at  rest.  I  went  into  the  camp  till 
turned  aside  by  sentinels,  and  found  myself  with  a  pro 
miscuous  crowd,  men,  women,  and  children,  inside  the 
grove,  near  Olive  Street.  On  that  street  the  disarmed 
State  troops,  some  eight  hundred,  were  in  ranks.  Soon 
a  heavy  column  of  United  States  Regulars  followed  by 
militia  came  down  Olive  Street,  with  music,  and  halted 
abreast  of  me.  I  went  up  and  spoke  to  some  of  the 
officers,  and  fell  back  to  a  knoll,  where  I  met  Hugh  and 
Charley  and  John  Hunter.  Soon  the  music  again 
started,  and  as  the  Regulars  got  abreast  of  the  crowd, 
about  sixty  yards  to  my  front  and  right,  I  observed  them 
in  confusion,  using  their  bayonets  to  keep  the  crowd 
back,  as  I  supposed.  Still,  they  soon  moved  on,  and  as 
the  militia  reached  the  same  point  a  similar  confusion 
began.  I  heard  a  couple  of  shots,  then  half  a  dozen,  and 
observed  the  militia  were  firing  on  the  crowd  at  that 
point,  but  the  fire  kept  creeping  to  the  rear  along  the 
flank  of  the  column,  and,  hearing  balls  cutting  the  leaves 
of  trees  over  my  head,  I  fell  down  on  the  grass  and 
crept  up  to  where  Charley  Ewing  had  my  boy  Willy.  I 
also  covered  his  person.  Probably  a  hundred  shots 
passed  over  the  ground,  but  none  near  us.  As  soon  as 
the  fire  slackened,  I  picked  Willy  up,  and  ran  with  him 
till  behind  the  rising  ground,  and  continued  at  my  leisure 
out  of  harm's  way,  and  went  home. 


120  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

I  saw  no  one  shot,  but  some  dozen  men  were  killed, 
among  them  a  woman  and  little  girl.  There  must  have 
been  some  provocation  at  the  point  where  the  Regulars 
charged  bayonets  and  where  the  militia  began  their  fire. 
The  rest  was  irregular  and  unnecessary,  for  the  crowd 
was  back  in  the  woods,  a  fence  between  them  and  the 
street.  There  was  some  cheering  of  the  United  States 
troops  and  some  halloos  for  Jeff  Davis. 

I  hear  all  of  Frost's  command  who  would  not  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States  are  prisoners  at 
the  arsenal.  I  suppose  they  will  be  held  for  the  orders 
of  the  President.  They  were  mostly  composed  of  young 
men  who  doubtless  were  secessionists.  Frost  is  a  New 
Yorker  and  was  a  graduate  of  West  Point,  served  some 
years  in  the  army,  and  married  a  Miss  Graham  here,  a 
lady  of  great  wealth  and  large  connections.  He  was 
encamped  by  order  of  the  Governor ;  and  this  brings  up 
the  old  question  of  State  and  United  States  authority. 
We  cannot  have  two  kings :  one  is  enough ;  and  of 
the  two  the  United  States  must  prevail.  But  in  all  the 
South,  and  even  here,  there  are  plenty  who  think  the 
State  is  their  king. 

As  ever,  yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

OFFICE  ST.  Louis  RAILROAD  Co., 
ST.  Louis,  May  20,  1861. 

Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  The  greatest  difficulty  in  the  prob 
lem  now  before  the  country  is  not  to  conquer  but  so 
conquer  as  to  impress  upon  the  real  men  of  the  South  a 
respect  for  their  conquerors.  If  Memphis  be  taken,  and 
the  army  move  on  South  the  vindictive  feeling  left  be 
hind  would  again  close  the  Eiver.  And  here  in  Missouri 


"PAPER   SOLDIERS"   NOT  REQUIRED         121 

it  would  be  easy  to  take  Jefferson  City,  Lexington,  and 
any  other  point,  but  the  moment  they  are  left  to  them 
selves  the  people  would  resume  their  hatred.  It  is  for 
this  reason  that  I  deem  Regulars  the  only  species  of 
force  that  should  be  used  for  invasion.  I  take  it  for 
granted  that  Virginia  will  be  attacked  with  great  force 
this  summer,  and  that  the  great  problem  of  the  war  — 
Mississippi  —  will  be  reserved  for  the  next  winter.  .  .  . 

In  the  war  on  which  we  are  now  entering  paper  sol 
diers  won't  do.     McClellan  is  naturally  a  superior  man 
and  has   had  the   finest  opportunities   in  Mexico  and 
Europe.     Even  his  juniors  admit  his  qualifications. 
Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

OFFICE  ST.  Louis  EAILROAD  Co., 
ST.  Louis,  May  22,  1861. 

My  Dear  Brother :  I  received  your  despatch  last  evening 
stating  I  would  be  appointed  Colonel  of  one  of  the  new 
3  Battalion  Regiments,  this  was  I  suppose  an  answer 
to  my  own  despatch  to  Adjutant  General  asking  if  such 
would  be  the  case.  The  fact  is  so  many  persons  had 
written  to  me  and  spoken  to  me,  all  asserting  they  had 
seen  or  heard  I  was  to  have  one  of  the  new  Regiments, 
that  I  thought  the  letter  to  me  had  been  misdirected  or 
miscarried.  ...  I  shall  promptly  accept  the  Colonelcy 
when  received  and  I  think  I  can  organize  and  prepare  a 
regiment  as  quick  as  anybody.  I  prefer  this  to  a  Briga 
dier  in  the  Militia,  for  I  have  no  political  ambition,  and 
have  very  naturally  more  confidence  in  Regulars  than 
Militia.  Not  that  they  are  better,  braver  or  more  patri 
otic,  but  because  /  know  the  people  will  submit  with 
better  grace  to  them  than  to  Militia  of  any  particular 
locality.  .  .  . 


122  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

I  think  Missouri  has  subsided  into  a  quiescent  state. 
There  will  be  no  attempting  to  execute  the  obnoxious 
and  unconstitutional  Militia  Law.  A  prompt  move  on 
Little  Eock  from  here  and  Cairo  and  recapture  of  Fort 
Smith  from  Kansas  would  hold  Arkansas  in  check.  A 
movement  which  could  be  made,  simultaneous  with  that 
on  Richmond.  I  hope  no  men  or  time  will  be  wasted  on 
Norfolk ;  it  is  to  one  side  and  unimportant.  The  capture 
of  Richmond  would  be  fatal  to  Virginia,  and  the  occupa 
tion  of  Cumberland,  Hagerstown  and  Frederick  by  the 
Pennsylvanians,  whilst  troops  threaten  Winchester  from 
Washington  would  make  the  further  occupation  of  Har 
per's  Ferry  useless.  But  after  all  the  Mississippi  is  the 
great  problem  of  the  Civil  War,  and  will  require  large 
forces  and  good  troops. 

Affectionately  your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

On  May  14th  General  Sherman  received  a  despatch 
from  his  brother  Charles  in  Washington,  telling  him  of 
his  appointment  as  Colonel  of  the  1 3th  Regular  Infantry, 
and  that  he  was  wanted  in  Washington  at  once.  The 
following  letter  was  written  while  he  was  preparing  to 
leave  St.  Louis  for  Washington,  and  the  next  one  (June 
8)  from  Pittsburgh  on  his  way  East :  — 

OFFICE  ST.  Louis  RAILROAD  Co., 
ST.  Louis,  May  24,  1861. 

Dear  Brother:  I  have  already  written  you  so  much 
that  more  would  be  a  bore.  Yours  of  the  21st  is  at  hand 
and  I  can  act  with  promptness  and  sufficient  vigor  when 
the  occasion  arises.  You  all  overrate  my  powers  and 
abilities  and  may  place  me  in  a  position  above  my  merits, 
a  worse  step  than  below.  Really  I  do  not  conceive 
myself  qualified  for  Quartermaster  General  or  Major 
General.  To  attain  either  station  I  would  prefer  a 


TRAITS  OF  THOMAS  123 

previous  schooling  with,  large  masses  of  troops  in  the 
field,  one  which  I  lost  in  the  Mexican  War  by  going  to 
California.  The  only  possible  reason  that  would  induce 
me  to  accept  my  position  would  be  to  prevent  its  falling 
into  incompetent  hands.  The  magnitude  of  interest  at 
issue  now,  will  admit  of  no  experiments.  .  .  . 

I  have  still  my  saddle,  sword,  sash  and  some  articles 
of  Uniform  which  will  come  into  immediate  play.  But 
look  out  —  I  want  the  regular  Army  and  not  the  3  year 
men.  .  .  . 

Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

PITTSBURGH,  Sunday,  June  8,  1861. 

Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  Should  I  on  my  arrival  find  the 
Secretary  determined  to  go  outside  the  Army,  and  should 
he  make  advances  to  me,  of  course  I  shall  accept.  In  like 
manner  if  he  tenders  me  a  brigade,  I  will  do  my  best,  or 
if  a  colonelcy  —  ditto.  I  still  feel  that  it  is  wrong  to  ask 
for  anything  and  prefer  that  they  should  make  their 
own  choice  of  this  position  for  me.  You  are  with  Gen. 
Patterson.  There  are  two  A  No.  1  men  there,  George  H. 
Thomas  Col.  Second  Cavalry  and  Cap.  Sykes  3  Infantry. 
Mention  my  name  to  both  and  say  to  them  that  I  wish 
them  all  the  success  they  aspire  to,  and  if  in  the  varying 
chances  of  war  I  should  ever  be  so  placed,  I  would  name 
such  as  them  for  high  places.  But  Thomas  is  a  Virginian 
from  near  Norfolk  and  say  what  we  may  he  must  feel 
unpleasantly  at  leading  an  invading  Army.  But  if  he 
says  he  will  do  it,  I  know  he  will  do  it  well.  He  was 
never  brilliant  but  always  cool,  reliable  and  steady, 
maybe  a  little  slow.  Sykes  has  in  him  some  dashing 
qualities.  ...  If  possible  I  will  try  and  see  you  in 
your  new  capacity  of  soldier  before  I  make  another  dis- 


124  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

tinct  break.  If  you  please  you  may  telegraph  to  Mr. 
Chase  simply  that  I  have  come  to  Washington  on 
Taylor's  call,  but  I  cannot  wait  long,  and  if  the  Admin 
istration  don't  want  my  services,  to  say  so  at  once  em 
phatically. 

Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

WASHINGTON,  June  20,  1861. 

Dear  Brother :  At  last  the  order  is  out  and  I  am  Colo 
nel  13  Infantry.  I  have  been  asking  for  orders  and  am 
this  moment  informed  for  the  present,  that  inasmuch  as 
Lt.  Col.  Burbank  may  enlist  my  Regiment,  and  as  my  per 
sonal  services  here  are  needed,  I  will  forthwith  consider 
myself  on  duty  here  attached  to  Gen.  Scott's  staff  as 
Inspector  General.  I  did  not  dream  of  this,  but  it  really 
does  well  accord  with  my  inclinations  and  peculiar 
nature.  My  duty  will  be  to  keep  myself  advised  of  the 
character  and  kind  of  men  who  are  in  Military  service 
here  near  Washington  and  to  report  to  General  Scott 
in  person.  Porter  can  tell  you  what  these  duties  will 
amount  to.  ...  I  suppose  you  will  soon  be  here,  for 
from  Col.  Burnside  I  hear  all  of  Patterson's  army  is  on 
the  Maryland  side  of  the  Potomac,  and  no  possible  move 
ment  will  be  attempted  before  Congress  meets.  .  .  . 
In  haste, 

Your  Brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


IV 

In  command  of  a  brigade  of  McDowell's  army  —  Bull  Run  —  At  Fort  Cor 
coran  —  Ordered  West  with  General  Anderson  —  At  Cincinnati — John 
Sherman  engaged  in  recruiting  —  Difficulties  of  saving  Kentucky  to 
the  Union  — Sherman  succeeds  Anderson  on  the  latter 's  resignation 
—  Weakness  of  his  position  at  Louisville  —  Reports  to  General  Hal- 
leek  at  St.  Louis  — At  Benton  Barracks  —  HaJleck's  difficulties  — 
Ordered  to  Paducah  —  Different  opinions  of  the  brothers  regarding 
McClellan  —  John  Sherman  on  the  Congressional  Session  of  1861-62  — 
The  battle  of  Shiloh —  Indignation  of  General  Sherman  at  false  news 
paper  reports  —  Promoted  to  major-general  —  Division  order  after 
occupation  of  Corinth 

GENERAL  SHERMAN  remained  on  duty  with  General 
Scott  only  ten  days  (June  20-30),  and  then  was  given 
command  of  one  brigade  of  McDowell's  army,  which  was 
to  move  from  the  defences  of  Washington.  He  assumed 
command  June  30,  and  went  to  work  at  once  to  prepare 
his  brigade  for  the  general  advance. 

CAMP  OPPOSITE  GEORGETOWN, 
July  16,  1861. 

Dear  Brother :  We  start  forth  to-day,  camp  to-night  at 
or  near  Vienna,  to-morrow  early  we  attack  the  enemy 
at  or  near  Fairfax  C.H.,  Germantown  and  Centerville, 
thereabouts  we  will  probably  be  till  about  Thursday, 
when  movement  of  the  whole  force,  some  35,000  men  on 
Manassas,  turning  the  position  by  a  wide  circuit.  You 
may  expect  to  hear  of  us  about  Aquia  Creek  or  Freder- 
icksburg  (secret  absolute).  .  .  . 

If  anything  befall  me,  my  pay  is  drawn  to  embrace 
June  30,  and  Ellen  has  full  charge  of  all  other  interests. 
Good  bye.  Your  Brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 
125 


126  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

After  Bull  Kun,1  Sherman's  brigade  remained  encamped 
at  Fort  Corcoran,  a  part  of  the  Washington  defences. 
He  was  made  a  brigadier-general  of  volunteers,  and  in 
his  next  letters  explains  his  transfer  to  the  West. 

He  was  relieved  in  his  command  by  General  Fitz-John 
Porter,  and  started  for  Cincinnati  on  one  of  the  last  days 
in  August  to  meet  General  Anderson. 

At  this  time  John  Sherman  was  in  Ohio,  and  his  letters 
from  there  to  his  brother  require  no  explanation. 

FORT  CORCORAN,  Aug.  19,  1861. 

My  Dear  Brother:  I  have  been  here  ever  since  you 
left,  hardly  taking  off  my  clothes  at  night.  McClellan 
is  so  confident  that  Beauregard  will  attack  that  I  try  to 
be  prepared  at  all  times.  Our  forts  are  in  pretty  good 
condition,  but  whether  the  volunteers  can  serve  the  guns 
or  not  is  to  be  tested.  It  does  seem  to  me  strange  that 
when  all  know  that  if  Beauregard  get  Washington,  the 
Southern  Confederacy  will  be  an  established  fact  that 
they  should  leave  volunteers  to  hold  the  most  important 
point  in  the  world.  Out  of  my  seven  regiments  three 
are  in  a  state  of  mutiny,  and  I  have  been  compelled  to 
put  about  100  men  as  prisoners  on  board  a  man-of-war. 
And  yesterday  I  had  my  Regulars  all  ready  with  shotted 
guns  to  fire  on  our  own  troops,  some  of  whom  not  only 
claim  their  discharge,  but  threaten  to  spike  our  guns. 
They  claim  to  be  only  3  months  men,  whereas  the  War 
Department  claims  their  services  for  3  years.  Even 
some  of  the  3  years  men  say  the  President  had  no  right 
to  call  for  3  years  men  and  that  the  subsequent  legisla 
tion  of  Congress  was  ex-post  facto.  .  .  . 

1  Bull  Run  is  a  small  stream  about  thirty  miles  southwest  from 
Washington,  and  here  the  first  great  battle  of  the  war  was  won  by  the 
rebel  army  of  about  32,000  men  under  Generals  Beauregard  and  J.  E. 
Johnston,  on  July  21,  1861. 

General  McDowell  commanded  the  Union  army  of  about  28,000  men, 
and  Sherman,  then  a  colonel,  commanded  a  brigade  in  this  army. 


SAVING   THE  DOUBTFUL  STATES  127 

A  few  days  since  Gen.  Eobert  Anderson  sent  for  me 
to  meet  him  at  Willard's.  I  found  him  with  Senator 
Johnson,  a  Mr.  Maynard,  and  several  other  members  from 
Kentucky  and  Tennessee.  They  told  me  the  President 
had  resolved  to  send  assistance  to  the  Union  men  of 
Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  that  Anderson  being  a  Ken- 
tuckian  to  him  was  given  the  lead,  and  that  he  was 
allowed  to  select  three  Brigadiers,  that  he  had  chosen 
me  first  and  Burnside  and  Thomas  next.  The  President 
agreed,  but  McClellan  would  not  spare  me  till  the  danger 
in  his  front  was  lessened.  It  was  then  agreed  to  wait 
a  week,  when  if  nothing  happens  here  I  am  to  be  ordered 
into  Kentucky.  As  I  understand  we  are  to  go  there  in 
person,  mingle  with  the  people,  satisfy  ourselves  of  their 
purpose  to  oppose  the  Southern  Confederacy  and  then  to 
assist  in  the  organization  there  of  a  force  adequate  to  the 
end  in  view,  that  when  Kentucky  is  assured  in  her  alle 
giance  that  we  then  push  into  East  Tennessee.  I  feel 
well  satisfied  that  unless  Kentucky  and  Tennessee  remain 
in  our  Union  it  is  a  doubtful  question  whether  the  Fed 
eral  Government  can  restore  the  old  Union.  .  .  . 

There  is  no  time  to  be  lost  and  I  will  not  spare  my 
individual  efforts,  though  I  still  feel  as  one  groping  in 
the  dark.  Slowly  but  surely  the  public  is  realizing  what 
I  knew  all  the  time,  the  strong  vindictive  feeling  of  the 
whole  South. 

Your  Brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

CINCINNATI,  Sept.  9,  1861. 

Dear  Brother :  I  am  still  here.  Gen.  A.  went  quietly 
over  to  Frankfort  last  Thursday,  and  I  hear  from  him 
that  things  are  progressing  favorably.  The  time  seems 
to  have  passed  in  this  country  when  the  voice  of  the 


128  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

People  is  considered  the  voice  of  God.  Notwithstanding 
the  large  vote  for  the  Union  and  the  controlled  majority 
in  the  Legislature,  there  is  still  a  doubt  whether  that 
state  will  go  for  the  Union.  .  .  . 

I  think  it  of  vast  importance  and  that  Ohio,  Indiana 
and  Illinois  must  sooner  or  later  arm  every  inhabitant, 
and  the  sooner  the  better.  I  hardly  apprehend  that  Beau- 
regard  can  succeed  in  getting  Washington,  but  should  he, 
it  will  be  worse  to  us  than  Manassas ;  but  supposing  he 
falls  back,  he  will  first  try  to  overwhelm  Rosecrans 
in  Western  Virginia  and  then  look  to  Tennessee.  We 
ought  to  have  here  a  well  appointed  Army  of  a  hundrejd 
thousand  men.  I  don't  see  where  they  are  to  come  from, 
but  this  is  the  great  centre.  I  still  think  that  Missis 
sippi  will  be  the  grand  field  of  operations.  Memphis 
ought  to  be  taken  in  all  October,  even  if  we  have  to 
fortify  and  hold  it  a  year.  I  think  it  of  more  impor 
tance  than  Richmond.  It  may  be  that  the  Southern 
leaders  have  made  such  tremendous  calls  upon  their 
people  and  resources,  that  if  we  remain  on  the  defence 
they  will  exhaust  themselves,  but  upon  the  first  manifest 
symptoms  of  such  a  result  we  should  follow  it  up.  Here 
we  have  no  means  of  offence  and  but  little  of  defence, 
and  if  you  are  full  of  zeal  you  could  not  do  better  than 
to  raise  your  voice  to  call  the  young  and  middle-aged  men 
of  Ohio  to  arras.  If  they  can't  get  muskets  then  let 
them  get  such  arms  as  can  be  gathered  together,  or  if  not 
that,  then  let  them  organize  in  companies  in  every  town 
ship  and  be  ready  to  collect  together  and  move  on  short 
notice.  I  am  amazed  to  see  here  and  everywhere  such 
apparent  indifference  when  all  know  that  Eebels  threaten 
the  Capital  and  are  creeping  around  us  in  Missouri  and 
Kansas.  If  they  are  united,  and  we  disunited  or  indif 
ferent,  they  will  succeed.  I  knew  this  reaction  was 


OHIO  ENLISTMENTS  129 

natural  and  to  be  expected,  but  it  is  none  the  less  to  be 

deplored.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  Sept.  12,  1861. 

My  Dear  Brother:  Enlistments  in  this  part  of  the 
State  now  go  on  rapidly.  Dickey's  regiment  is  nearly 
full,  and  companies  have  formed  for  cavalry  and  artillery 
regiments  organizing  in  other  parts  of  the  State.  It  is 
also  manifest  a  better  feeling  prevails  among  the  people, 
a  more  hopeful  and  hearty  support  of  the  War  and  a 
readiness  to  bear  its  burdens.  When  you  remember  that 
all  these  regiments  are  formed  by  voluntary  enlistments, 
and  for  the  war  and  under  the  shadow  of  defeat,  it  is  won 
derful  so  large  a  force  is  raised.  As  winter  approaches 
more  will  enlist,  for  employment  in  civil  pursuits  will  be 
out  of  the  question.  Want  is  as  good  a  recruiting  ser 
geant  as  patriotism.  If,  however,  voluntary  enlistments 
fail,  then  drafting  must  be  resorted  to.  It  is  the  fairest 
and  best  mode,  for  it  makes  all  classes  contribute  alike. 
I  have  been  at  a  loss  what  to  do  with  myself  this  fall. 

I  dislike  the  idea  of  being  idle  in  these  stirring  times. 
My  relations  with  Gov.  Dennison  are  not  such  as  will 
justify  me  in  asking  the  organization  of  a  regiment,  and 
I  will  not  undertake  it  without  carte  blanche  as  to  offi 
cers.  I  notice  from  the  papers  that  he  has  adopted 
somewhat  such  a  plan  of  enlistment  as  I  suggested  to 
him.  If  he  asks  me  to  assist  to  execute  it,  I  will  do  so  at 
once  and  actively,  but  I  presume  he  will  not  do  so.  As 
to  making  speeches  through  the  State,  it  is  very  irksome. 
And  this  is  not  all.  Speeches  from  me  unless  I  enlist  or 
am  in  the  service  myself  will  not  come  with  a  good  grace. 
My  speeches  would  be  regarded  as  political.  There  is  no 


130  THE  SHEEMAN  LETTERS 

disposition  this  fall  to  gather  in  mass  meetings  to  hear 
speeches.  It  is  probable  I  will  take  some  part  in  the 
canvass  for  the  Union  Ticket,  but  after  the  election  I  will 
go  to  Washington  and  seek  some  active  employment  until 
after  Congress  meets.  The  delay  in  Kentucky  appears 
ominous.  The  whole  character  of  the  State  is  reversed 
in  this  contest.  The  Kentuckians  have  always  had  the 
reputation  of  being  ready  fighters,  and  as  Kentucky  has 
taken  position  for  the  Union  I  should  think  they  would 
at  once  take  arms.  Eastern  Kentucky  is  the  loyal  part. 
All  the  counties  between  Ohio  and  East  Tennessee  have 
been  considered  thoroughly  loyal.  If  civil  war  does 
break  out  in  Kentucky,  it  seems  to  me  that  it  must  be  in 
the  Western  part  of  the  State,  and  then  Paducah,  Madi 
son,  Ind.,  and  Louisville  will  be  the  place  for  you.  .  .  . 
Affectionately  Yours, 

JOHN  SHEKMAN. 


MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  Sept.  28,  1861. 

Dear  Brother :  I  am  at  last  engaged  in  recruiting.  I 
have  received  an  order  from  Gov.  Dennison  to  raise  two 
regiments  of  Infantry,  one  squadron  of  Cavalry,  and  a 
battery  of  artillery,  and  I  am  now  hard  at  work  execut 
ing  the  order.  I  want  a  good  Colonel,  an  educated,  brave, 
reliable  officer.  I  must  have  him.  The  orders  of  the 
Governor  give  me  the  utmost  latitude  in  the  selection  of 
the  officers  of  this  force  and  I  am  determined  it  shall  be 
well  commanded  if  proper  officers  can  be  obtained.  Can 
you  name  me  one  as  Major,  and  one  as  Lieutenant  Colo 
nel?  They  will  receive  promotion  upon  the  meeting 
of  Congress,  when  I  shall  resign  the  nominal  place  of 
Colonel.  In  the  multiplicity  of  your  important  duties  I 
trust  you  can  name  such  officers  as  I  wish.  I  would 


SECESSION  FEELING  IN  KENTUCKY         131 

like  it  all  the  better  if  one  at  least  of  them  may  be  a 
Kentuckian,  as  this  force  is  intended  for  Kentucky. 

Affy.  Your  Brother, 

J.  S. 

General  Sherman  found  Generals  Anderson  and  Thomas 
at  Cincinnati,  and  Anderson  decided  to  send  him  to 
Indianapolis  and  Springfield  to  confer  with  the  governors 
of  Indiana  and  Illinois,  and  to  General  Fremont,  who  was 
in  command  at  St.  Louis,  to  get  help  to  resist  the  threat 
ened  invasion  of  Kentucky.  While  at  St.  Louis  General 
Sherman  was  summoned  hastily  back  to  Louisville,  and 
on  his  arrival  was  sent  by  General  Anderson  with  such 
troops  as  were  available,  to  secure  a  position  on  Mul- 
draugh's  Hill,  before  General  Buckner  with  his  invading 
force  could  get  there.  The  next  letter  is  written  from 
there. 

MULDRAITGH'S  HILL, 

40  miles  from  Louisville, 

Oct.  5,  1861. 

Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  I'm  afraid  you  are  too  late  to  save 
Kentucky.  The  young  active  element  is  all  secession, 
the  older  stay-at-homes  are  for  Union  and  Peace.  But 
they  will  not  take  part.  In  the  meantime  the  Southern 
Confederacy  looking  forward  to  this  very  condition  of 
things  has  armies  organized,  equipped,  &c.,  and  have  the 
Railroads  so  disposed  that  by  concentration  they  can 
overwhelm  any  part.  There  was  one  Camp  south  and 
East  of  Lexington  formed  by  Lt.  Nelson,  U.  S.  Navy, 
now  commanded  by  Brig.  Gen.  Thomas,  and  an  army 
under  Zollicoffer  of  Tennessee  is  advancing  on  it.  Gen. 
Anderson  at  Louisville,  Ky.,  has  sent  in  that  direction  all 
the  regiments  from  Ohio.  Here  the  secessionists  secured 
several  trains  of  cars  and  locomotives,  moved  them 
South  and  broke  up  the  bridges  so  that  they  are  safe. 
We  came  out  here  hastily  to  secure  Muldraugh's  Hill,  a 


132  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

kind  of  chain  which  separates  the  waters  of  Salt  Creek 
from  Green  Elver.  We  are  at  one  part  of  this  chain 
where  the  Railroad  from  Louisville  to  Nashville  crosses 
it,  but  it  is  by  no  means  a  strong  point.  I  have  exam 
ined  the  country  all  around,  but  every  strong  defensible 
position  is  devoid  of  water,  and  our  absolute  dependence 
on  that  element  forces  me  into  a  position  which  upon 
being  surrounded  by  vastly  superior  forces  will  be  a 
complete  ambush.  The  people  are  all  unfriendly.  Their 
trade  and  relations  have  been  with  the  South,  and  there 
their  feelings  lie,  so  that  when  Buckner  sees  fit  he  can 
come  up  from  Green  River  where  he  now  is  with  from 
8,000  to  15,000  men.  We  have  5,000,  and  the  Railroad 
behind  is  guarded  by  three  more,  but  this  road  can  be 
cut  at  a  hundred  different  points  which  would  starve  us 
out  or  force  me  to  strike  out  and  live  on  a  country  which 
produces  only  beef  and  corn.  I  have  Col.  Gibson's  Ohio 
Regt.,  3  Indiana  Regts.  and  2  of  Kentucky,  but  I  must 
say  that  these  latter  were  made  up  in  Louisville  and 
over  in  Indiana  and  [are]  composed  most  of  strangers 
to  Kentucky.  It  will  require  near  one  hundred  thousand 
men  in  Kentucky,  and  where  they  are  to  come  from  I 
don't  know. 

If  I  am  reinforced  as  promised  I  will  advance  to  a 
place  called  Moline  where  the  ground  is  better  for  a 
desperate  fight.  .  .  . 

I  see  they  are  falling  back  from  Washington.  I  hope 
McClellan  will  press  forward  and  keep  them  all  engaged; 
in  like  manner  the  forces  in  Missouri  should  be  employed 
without  a  minute's  delay,  and  for  that  reason  I  am  sorry 
to  see  a  change  of  plans.  .  .  . 

If  the  Confederates  take  St.  Louis  and  get  Kentucky 
this  Winter  you  will  be  far  more  embarrassed  than  if 


TO  SAVE  KENTUCKY  133 

Washington  had  fallen  into  their  possession,  as  whatever 
nation  gets  the  control  of  the  Ohio,  Mississippi  and 
Missouri  Bivers  will  control  the  Continent.  This  they 
know  and  for  this  they  will  labor.  You  of  the  North 
never  fully  appreciated  the  energy  of  the  South.  My 
health  is  good,  but  as  you  perceive  I  am  far  from  easy 
about  the  fate  of  Kentucky. 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN,  Brig.  Gen'l. 

On  the  8th  of  October,  1861,  General  Anderson,  worn 
out  by  the  cares  of  his  position,  resigned,  and  Sherman 
naturally  was  forced  into  the  command  until  he  could 
be  relieved.  He  continued  so  until  the  middle  of  Novem 
ber,  when  General  Buell  was  sent  to  relieve  him,  and 
Sherman  was  ordered  to  report  to  General  Halleck,  then 
in  command  in  Missouri. 

In  a  letter  to  Adjutant-General  Thomas,  dated  Louis 
ville,  October  22,  General  Sherman  wrote :  — 

You  know  my  views,  that  this  great  centre  of  our  field 
was  too  weak,  far  too  weak,  and  I  have  begged  and  im 
plored  till  I  dare  not  say  more. 

The  two  following  letters  show  clearly  how  weak 
Sherman  considered  his  position,  and  how  hard  he  tried 
to  better  it  by  acquiring  more  men  and  better  arms :  — 

HEADQUARTERS,  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND, 
LOUISVILLE,  KEN.,  Oct.  26,  1861. 

Dear  Brother :  I  am  just  in  receipt  of  your  letter  and 
am  glad  the  Secretary  remembered  my  remark,  that  to 
accomplish  the  only  purposes  for  which  Kentucky  can  be 
used  there  should  be  a  force  here  of  200,000  men.  My 
force  is  ridiculously  small  and  I  think  to  [augment]  it  by 
driblets.  Look  at  the  fact  —  we  know  the  South  is  all 
arms  and  prepared  and  must  have  Kentucky ;  for  it  they 


134  THE  SHERMAN  LETTEES 

will  struggle.  They  see  us  under- valuing  their  force. 
They  have  already  invaded  the  state  with  five  times  my 
forces  and  are  gradually  preparing  for  an  onset.  I  know 
their  leaders  and  their  designs,  and  feel  that  I  am  to  be 
sacrificed.  The  Western  part  of  the  state  is  now  in  their 
possession.  They  have  about  6000  men  in  the  Valley  of 
the  Big  Sandy,  6000  or  7000  at  Cumberland  Gap  and 
Ford,  and  I  doubt  not  at  least  35,000  in  front  of  me, 
with  nothing  between  us  but  Green  Eiver,  now  fordable, 
and  about  23  miles  of  intervening  country.  Indiana  is 
devoid  of  arms,  so  is  Ohio  and  the  North- West,  and  to 
my  crying  demand  for  arms  they  send  me  a  few  hundreds 
of  condemned  European  muskets,  whilst  the  people  ask 
for  rifles.  We  have  called  on  the  Kentuckians  to  form 
regiments  and  they  are  responding  slowly  to  be  sure  but 
when  they  come  for  arms  I  can  only  answer  I  have  none, 
or  such  as  they  won't  touch.  I  tell  you,  and  warn  you 
of  the  danger  so  far  as  my  power  goes.  I  cannot  promise 
to  prevent  the  enemy  reaching  the  Ohio  river  at  a  hun 
dred  different  points.  Our  camps  are  full  of  their  spies 
and  the  people  here  all  prefer  their  Southern  connec 
tions.  ...  I  am  compelled  to  distribute  them  [troops] 
on  three  weak  lines  all  dependent  on  railroads  which 
may  at  any  moment  be  interrupted,  also  on  telegraphs 
which  are  daily  cut.  A  reverse  to  any  one  of  these 
might  be  fatal  to  all,  yet  I  cannot  do  otherwise.  The 
forces  up  Sandy  must  be  driven  or  threatened  from  the 
direction  of  Paris.  Those  at  Cumberland  Gap  from  Dick 
Robinson,  and  those  over  Green  River  from  here;  this 
is  the  most  important  point  and  the  most  in  danger. 
The  Southern  army  wants  it  with  its  mills,  foundries, 
shops,  and  all  the  affairs  of  a  city,  besides  the  control  of 
the  river.  .  .  .  Yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


RED  TAPE  AND  LACK  OF  ARMS  135 

HEADQUARTERS,  DEPARTMENT  OP  THE  MISSOURI, 
LOUISVILLE,  KENTUCKY,  Nov.  21,  1861. 

Dear  Brother :  Your  letter  was  received  yesterday.  I 
know  that  others  than  yourself  think  I  take  a  gloomy 
view  of  affairs  without  cause.  I  hope  to  God  'tis  so. 
All  I  know  is  the  fact  that  all  over  Kentucky  the  people 
are  allied  by  birth,  interest,  and  preference  to  the  South. 
Their  trade  points  that  way  and  in  spite  of  all  efforts 
letters  pass  to  and  fro  daily.  Applications  come  by  hun 
dreds  asking  protection  which  cannot  be  granted,  and  all 
know  the  fact  that  we  have  not  the  power  to  prevent  it. 
Again  the  men  who  have  come  here  by  regiments  are 
exposed  to  not  only  the  chances  of  war  but  of  interrup 
tion  to  the  railroad  which  I  have  guarded  thus  far  suc 
cessfully,  but  a  child  or  man  with  a  crowbar  may  destroy 
it.  Now  that  Buell  is  in  command  I  might  divest  myself 
of  all  care  on  this  score.  We  have  been  out  to  camp 
inspecting  the  troops  and  he  has  entered  upon  his  duties 
and  I  have  delayed  here  simply  to  give  him  information. 
I  have  not  been  instrumental  in  bringing  troops  here, 
and  I  will  give  no  advice  on  the  subject.  .  .  . 

They  have  sent  here  old  condemned  European  [mus 
kets],  and  have  sent  no  arms  for  Cavalry,  and  when  I 
bought  pistols  wherewith  to  arm  some  scouts  the  accounts 
have  been  disallowed  at  Washington  because  I  had  not 
procured  authority  beforehand.  Troops  come  from  Wis 
consin  and  Minnesota  without  arms  and  receive  such  as 
we  have  here  for  the  first  time,  and  I  cannot  but  look 
upon  it  as  absolutely  sacrificing  them.  I  see  no  hope 
for  them  in  their  present  raw  and  undisciplined  condi 
tion,  and  some  terrible  disaster  is  inevitable.  .  .  . 

For  myself  I  will  blindly  obey  my  orders  and  report 
to  Gen.  Halleck  in  Missouri,  but  till  I  can  see  daylight 
ahead  I  will  never  allow  myself  to  be  in  command. 

Affectionately,  W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


136  TEE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

It  is  interesting  to  remember  how  completely  the 
future  carried  out  Sherman's  prediction  with  regard  to 
Kentucky.  Later,  Burnside  was  cornered  there  as  Sher 
man  always  believed  his  successors  must  be,  and  he 
(Sherman)  was  sent  to  his  relief. 

After  being  relieved  of  his  command  in  Kentucky  and 
reporting  to  Halleck  in  St.  Louis,  Sherman  went  to  his 
old  home  in  Lancaster,  Ohio,  for  a  short  leave,  and  on 
his  return  was  sent  to  take  command  of  the  camp  of 
instruction  at  Benton  Barracks  near  St.  Louis  and  to  get 
the  troops  there  into  condition  for  immediate  use. 

On  December  24  he  writes  from  Benton  Barracks :  — 

...  In  Missouri  I  find  things  black  enough.  All  my 
old  friends  are  now  against  us,  not  openly  but  really.  We 
have  possession  of  St.  Louis  and  the  railroads  but  the 
Secessionists  have  possession  of  the  country.  They  have 
destroyed  the  North  Missouri  railroad  and  will  in  time 
the  others.  These  railroads  are  the  weakest  things  in 
war;  a  single  man  with  a  match  can  destroy  a  bridge  and 
cut  off  communications,  and  no  one  seems  to  apprehend 
the  danger  by  laying  in  supplies  accordingly.  .  .  . 

And  two  weeks  later  he  wrote :  — 

I  have  received  your  letter  and  will  give  you  what 
you  ask :  the  reason  why  I  ordered  Gen.  Thomas  to  fall 
back  from  London  towards  Danville  or  Kentucky  Kiver. 
Thomas  had  his  advance  in  Front  of  London,  Shorpf's 
brigade  at  London  and  he  was  at  Crab  Orchard.  All 
the  stores  for  the  command  had  to  be  hauled  from 
Nicholasville.  The  country  was  very  barren  of  forage 
and  roads  beyond  Crab  Orchard  were  very  bad.  Thomas 
reported  that  General  Zollicoif  er  had  obstructed  the  roads 
to  East  Tennessee,  and  had  moved  westward  as  far  as 
Jacksboro,  and  I  knew  he  would  make  his  appearance 
in  front  of  Somerset  which  he  did,  uniting  his  force  of 


OPERATIONS  IN  KENTUCKY  137 

about  5,000  to  Stanton's  of  about  2,500,  giving  him  a 
column  of  7,500  men  on  a  good  road  leading  north  to 
Lexington.  It  was  necessary  to  move  Thomas  to  check 
this.  Had  Zollicoffer  alone  to  have  been  watched  the 
movement  would  have  been  directed  to  Somerset,  but  at 
the  same  time  I  had  information  that  Gen.  Hardee  had 
left  Bowling  Green  with  his  division  of  3000  men,  with 
a  full  supply  of  country  wagons  to  the  East  toward 
Columbia  from  which  point  there  is  a  good  road  to 
Lexington.  I  inferred  their  plan  to  be,  as  I  doubt  not 
it  was,  to  join  these  two  columns  on  the  Lexington  road, 
and  therefore  Thomas'  force  was  required  at  some  point 
common  to  the  two  roads,  viz. :  about  Stamford,  Danville 
or  the  Kentucky  Elver  Bridge,  where  he  could  act  on 
the  defense  or  offense  as  the  case  might  be.  The  lines 
of  operation  from  Nicholasville  were  long  and  weak, 
and  there  was  at  all  times  danger  that  a  superior  force 
would  interpose  between  Thomas  and  his  base,  and  I  was 
satisfied  that  our  enemies  had  at  Bowling  Green  enough 
to  send  such  a  force,  and  we  had  not  enough  to  make 
detachments  from  the  Louisville  line.  The  fact  was 
our  force  in  Kentucky  was  ridiculously  weak  for  such 
an  extent  of  country.  My  orders  to  Thomas  pointed 
out  the  danger  of  this  force  getting  between  him  and 
Lexington  and  for  him  to  fall  back  to  some  point  near 
Danville,  and  afterwards  I  notified  him  of  my  informa 
tion  that  the  anticipated  movement  had  been  reported 
from  Columbia. 

The  distance  was  not  great,  but  it  so  happened  that 
the  weather  was  very  bad  and  the  retrograde  was  made 
too  rapidly.  Of  course  I  do  not  wish  to  throw  on 
Thomas  any  blame  but  must  bear  it  myself.  That  this 
movement  on  Lexington  was  contemplated  then,  I  am 
well  satisfied,  and  that  some  cause  interposed  I  am  also 
well  satisfied.  . 


138  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

By  giving  up  command  in  Kentucky  I  acknowledged 
my  inability  to  manage  the  case,  and  I  do  think  Buell 
can  manage  better  than  I  could,  and  if  he  succeeds  he 
will  deserve  all  honor,  but  I  do  think  it  is  wrong  to 
push  him  on  that  line,  whilst  the  army  at  Washington 
remain  comparatively  inert.  .  .  . 

Now  Halleck  has  in  Missouri  about  80,000  men  on 
paper  and  there  are  not  in  organized  shape  more  than 
10,000  or  20,000  opposed  to  him,  yet  the  country  is  full 
of  Secessionists,  and  it  takes  all  his  command  to  watch 
them.  This  is  an  element  which  politicians  have  never 
given  full  credit  to.  These  local  Secessionists  are  really 
more  dangerous  than  if  assembled  in  one  or  more  bodies, 
for  then  they  could  be  traced  out  and  found,  whereas 
now  they  are  scattered  about  on  farms  and  are  very 
peaceable,  but  when  a  bridge  is  to  be  burned  they  are 
about.  .  .  . 

I  wish  I  could  take  another  view  of  this  war,  but  I 
cannot.  It  thrusts  itself  upon  me  from  every  side,  and 
yet  I  hope  I  am  mistaken.  .  .  . 

Halleck  has  been  successful  thus  far  and  I  hope  may 
continue,  but  he  cannot  by  mere  written  papers  cope 
with  Price  who  is  in  the  field  bothered  by  no  papers 
or  accounts,  taking  what  he  can  lay  his  hands  on.  I 
think  he  has  orders  to  move  down  the  river,  but  the 
moment  he  moves  a  man  from  the  interior  to  go  to 
Cairo,  Price  will  return.  That  is  his  game.  And  in 
that  way  with  a  comparatively  small  force  he  holds  in 
check  five  times  his  number.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHEKMAN. 


MOVEMENT  UP   THE  TENNESSEE  139 

HEADQUARTERS,  CAMP  or  INSTRUCTION, 

BENTON  BARRACKS  (near  St.  Louis,  Mo.), 

Feb.  3, 1862. 
Dear  Brother : 

I  am  still  here  at  the  Barracks  doing  my  best  to  organize, 
equip,  and  prepare  regiments  for  the  coming  Spring.  .  .  . 

I  believe  an  attempt  will  be  made  on  the  Forts  on  the 
Tennessee  and  Cumberland  Eivers  in  co-operation  with 
Buell  who  finds  with  his  120,000  men  he  still  needs  help. 
I  rather  think  they  will  come  up  to  my  figures  yet. 
Halleck  is  expected  to  send  them  from  30,000  to  50,000 
men.  Had  this  been  done  early  and  promptly,  the  Con 
federates  could  not  have  made  Bowling  Green  and  Col 
umbia  next  to  impregnable.  Until  these  places  are 
reduced  it  will  not  do  to  advance  far  into  Tennessee  and 
I  doubt  if  it  will  be  done.  East  Tennessee  cannot  exer 
cise  much  influence  on  the  final  result.  West  Tennessee 
is  more  important,  as  without  the  navigation  of  the  Mis 
sissippi  all  commercial  interests  will  lean  to  the  Southern 
cause.  If  the  Southern  Confederacy  can  control  the 
navigation  of  the  lower  Mississippi,  and  European  nations 
from  the  mouths  of  the  Mississippi,  what  can  Missouri 
and  Kentucky  do  ?  These  are,  however,  questions  for  the 
future.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

While  General  Sherman  was  in  command  of  the  camp 
of  instruction  at  Benton  Barracks,  the  movement  up  the 
Tennessee  began.  Grant  and  Foote  took  Fort  Henry. 
Before  Fort  Donelson  was  taken  Sherman  was  ordered 
to  go  at  once  to  Paducah,  Ky.,  to  take  command  of  that 
post  and  expedite  the  operations  up  the  Tennessee  and 
Cumberland.  The  day  after  his  arrival  (February  16), 
there  came  the  news  of  the  capture  of  Fort  Donelson. 


140  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

WASHINGTON,  Feb.  15,  1862. 
Dear  Brother  : 

I  was  infinitely  rejoiced  to  see  in  this  morning's  paper 
the  announcement  that  you  were  to  command  at  Cairo. 
I  sincerely  hope  it  is  true.  If  so,  you  will  have  a  noble 
opportunity  to  answer  those  who  have  belied  you.  Take 
my  advice,  be  hopeful,  cheerful,  polite  to  everybody, 
even  a  newspaper  reporter.  They  are  in  the  main,  clever, 
intelligent  men,  a  little  too  pressing  in  their  vocation. 

Above  all  things,  be  hopeful  and  push  ahead.  Active, 
bold,  prompt,  vigorous  action  is  now  demanded.  Mc- 
Clellan  is  dead  in  the  estimation  of  even  military  men.  .  .  . 

Do  not  the  cheers  with  which  our  gun-boats  were 
received  in  Tennessee  and  Alabama  show  you  what  I 
have  always  contended,  that  this  rebellion  is  a  political 
one,  managed  by  "  Southern  gentlemen  "  and  not  grounded 
in  the  universal  assent  of  the  people  ?  Johnson  has  now 
more  adherents  in  Tennessee  than  Jeff.  Davis.  Let  our 
leading  army  officers  who  have  been  educated  to  defend 
the  nation  catch  the  spirit  of  our  people,  a  generous, 
hopeful,  self-sacrificing  spirit.  Let  them  go  ahead  and 
you  will  find  the  Union  restored  and  strengthened  by  its 
trials.  .  .  .  Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAX. 

On  Feb.  23,  1862,  General  Sherman  wrote  from  Pa- 
ducah,  Kentucky :  — 

Don't  get  to  war  with  McClellan.  You  mistake  him 
if  you  underrate  him.  He  must  begin  to  move  soon  and 
I  think  he  will.  If  he  can  threaten  Richmond  and  cause 
Johnston  to  fall  back  from  Manassas,  he  will  relieve  the 
Capital,  which  is  the  reason  why  foreign  Governments 
talk  of  acknowledging  the  Southern  Independence. 


WOUNDED  IN  THE  HAND  141 

On  March  10th  Sherman,  under  orders  from  Halleck, 
embarked  his  division  at  Paducah,  steamed  up  the  river 
beyond  Fort  Henry,  met  General  C.  F.  Smith  three  days 
later,  and  was  ordered  by  him  to  push  on  and  break  up 
the  Memphis  and  Charleston  R.R.  between  Tuscumbia 
and  Corinth.  March  19th  found  Sherman  encamped 
about  three  miles  from  Corinth,  where  he  remained  until 
the  battle  of  Shiloh,  April  6th  and  7th.  The  following 
letters  from  General  Sherman  are  devoted  chiefly  to 
explaining  the  series  of  events  at  Shiloh,  and  to  defend 
ing  the  army  from  the  unjust  charges  which  were  circu 
lated  throughout  the  country  before  the  official  reports 
of  the  battle  were  made  public. 

[DICTATED.] 

CAMP  SHILOH  NEAR  PITTSBURGH,  TENN., 
April  16,  1862. 

Hon.  JOHN  SHERMAN,  Washington,  D.C. 
Dear  Brother : 

My  division  is  made  up  mostly  of  new  regiments,  some 
of  which  behaved  well  and  others  badly,  but  I  hope  by 
patience  to  make  it  as  good  as  any  other  division  in  the 
Army. 

Since  the  battle  I  have  been  up  to  Chickasaw,  from 
which  point  I  caused  the  destruction  of  the  Charleston 
and  Memphis  Railroad  at  its  crossing  over  Bear  Creek, 
a  valuable  piece  of  service. 

My  right  hand  is  temporarily  disabled  by  inflamma 
tion  from  a  wound,  but  with  good  luck  will  be  all  right 
in  a  week. 

I  believe  that  our  hardest  fighting  is  yet  to  be  done, 
but  I  have  absolute  faith  in  Generals  Halleck,  Buell,  and 

Grant. 

Affectionately  your  Brother, 

W.  T.  SHEKMAN. 


142  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

SENATE  CHAMBER,  WASHINGTON  CITY, 
April  20,  1862. 

Dear  Brother :  I  heartily  and  with  great  pride  in  you 
congratulate  you  on  your  escape  and  for  the  high  honors 
you  won  in  the  battle  of  the  7th  and  the  8th.  Cecilia 
and  I  have  watched  with  the  most  anxious  interest  your 
course  and  have  read  every  word  that  was  accessible  in 
regard  to  the  battle.  I  need  not  say  that  it  has  been 
with  the  highest  satisfaction.  The  official  report  of 
Generals  Halleck  and  Grant  leave  nothing  to  desire  ex 
cept  that  the  information  as  to  your  wound  in  the  hand 
is  indefinite.  From  your  subsequent  operations  I  infer  it 
is  not  so  serious  as  to  disable  you.  It  is  a  fearful  battle, 
and  I  cannot  yet  conceive  how  a  general  rout  was  avoided. 
The  first  accounts  gave  an  exaggerated  account  of  the 
surprise,  of  whole  regiments  killed  or  captured  in  their 
tents,  and  of  inexcusable  carelessness  in  guarding  against 
surprise.  More  recent  accounts  modify  the  extent  of 
the  surprise,  but  still  there  is  an  impression  that  suffi 
cient  care  was  not  taken.  That  pickets  were  not  far 
enough  advanced  or  of  sufficient  force,  and  that  General 
Grant  should  have  been  nearer  his  command.  I  sincerely 
hope  he  will  be  relieved  from  all  blame.  I  enclose  you 
a  note  to  General  Patterson. 

The  general  tone  of  public  sentiment  is  very  hopeful. 

This  arises  partly  from  the  changed  tone  of  our  foreign 
news,  and  perhaps  from  the  comparative  ease  of  money 
matters  under  our  enormous  expenditures. 

The  great  drawback  is  on  account  of  McClelland  posi 
tion.  Military  men  of  the  highest  character  as  well  as 
all  civilians  think  he  is  in  a  position  from  which  he  can 
not  retreat,  and  where  he  must  fight  under  very  great 
disadvantage.  Still  the  general  feeling  is  hopeful  of  the 
success  of  our  arms  and  the  preservation  of  the  Union. 


CONTRADICTING   CALUMNIES  143 

I  still  adhere  to  my  conviction  that  we  will  demonstrate 
the  strength,  unity  and  prosperity  of  a  Republican  Gov 
ernment  for  fifty  years  to  come.  Notwithstanding  your 
reluctance  to  mingle  in  the  stirring  events  of  the  time, 
it  will  be  your  fate  to  do  so  and  I  have  entire  confidence 
that  it  will  be  with  success  and  distinction. 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS,  CAMP  SHILOH, 
April  22,  1862. 

Dear  Brother:  My  hand  is  still  very  sore  but  I  am 
able  to  write  some.  The  newspapers  came  back  to  us 
with  accounts  of  our  battle  of  the  6th  and  7th  inst.  as 
usual  made  by  people  who  ran  away  and  had  to  excuse 
their  cowardice  by  charging  bad  management  on  the  part 
of  leaders.  I  see  that  we  were  surprised,  that  our  men 
were  bayoneted  in  their  tents,  that  officers  had  not  had 
breakfast,  &c.  This  is  all  simply  false.  The  attack  did 
not  begin  until  7  3-4  A.M.  All  but  the  worthless  cowards 
had  had  breakfast.  Not  a  man  was  bayoneted  in  or 
near  his  tent.  Indeed  our  brigade  surgeon,  Hartshorn, 
has  not  yet  seen  a  single  bayonet  wound  on  a  living  or 
dead  subject.  The  regiments  that  profess  to  have  been 
surprised  lost  no  officers  at  all,  and  of  the  two  that  first 
broke  in  my  division  53  and  57  Ohio,  the  53  lost  no  offi 
cers  and  only  7  men,  the  57  two  officers  and  7  men. 
Some  of  my  Ohio  regiments  that  did  fight  well  lost  as 
many  as  49  and  34,  but  not  a  bayonet,  sword  or  knife 
wound,  all  cannon  and  musket  ball.  Those  of  my  bri 
gade  held  our  original  position  from  7  3-4  A.M.  when  the 
attack  began,  until  10  h.  10  m.  when  the  enemy  had 
passed  my  left  and  got  artillery  to  enfilade  my  line 
when  I  ordered  them  to  fall  back.  We  held  our  second 


144  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

position  until  4  P.M.  and  then  fell  back  without  opposi 
tion  to  the  third  and  last  position,  more  than  a  mile  from 
the  river. 

As  to  surprise,  we  had  constant  skirmishes  with  the 
enemies7  cavalry  all  the  week  before,  and  I  had  strong 
guards  out  in  front  of  each  brigade,  which  guards  were 
driven  in  on  the  morning  of  the  battle,  but  before  the 
enemy  came  within  cannon  range  of  my  position  every 
regiment  was  under  arms  at  the  post  I  had  previously 
assigned  to  them.  The  cavalry  was  saddled  and  artillery 
harnessed  up,  unlimbered,  and  commenced  firing  as  soon 
as  we  could  see  anything  to  fire  at. 

On  Saturday  I  had  no  cavalry  pickets  out  because  I 
had  no  cavalry  in  my  division.  General  Grant  had  made 
a  new  assignment  of  cavalry  and  artillery  on  Friday. 
The  Ohio  Fifth  which  had  been  with  me  was  ordered  to 
Hurlburt,  and  eight  companies  of  the  fourth,  III.,  Colonel 
Dickey,  assigned  to  me  did  not  get  into  camp  till  near 
Saturday  night  and  I  ordered  them  into  the  saddle  at 
midnight. 

I  occupied  the  right  front,  McClernand  was  to  my 
rear,  and  on  his  left  in  echelon  with  me  was  Prentiss.  I 
watched  the  Eondy  road  and  main  Corinth,  Prentiss  the 
Ridge  Corinth  road.  .  .  . 

The  enemy  did  not  carry  either  of  my  roads  until  he 
had  driven  Prentiss  and  got  in  on  my  left.  .  .  . 

Whether  we  should  have  been  on  this  or  that  side  of 
the  Tennessee  river  is  not  my  business.  I  did  not  appre 
hend  an  attack  from  Beauregard  because  I  thought  then 
and  think  now  he  would  have  done  better  if  he  could 
have  chosen  ground  as  far  back  from  our  stores  as  pos 
sible.  We  are  bound  to  attack  him,  and  had  we  run  out 
of  cartridges  or  stores  or  got  stampeded  twenty  miles 
back  from  the  Tennessee  the  result  would  have  been  dif- 


EIDICULOUS  STOEIES  OF  SHILOH  145 

ferent  from  now.  But  we  knew  the  enemy  was  in  our 
front,  but  in  what  form  could  not  tell,  and  I  was  always 
ready  for  an  attack.  I  am  out  of  all  patience  that  our 
people  should  prefer  to  believe  the  horrid  stories  of 
butchery,  ridiculous  in  themselves,  gotten  up  by  cowards 
to  cover  their  shame,  than  the  plain  natural  reports  of 
the  officers  who  are  responsible  and  who  saw  what  they 
describe.  My  report  with  all  the  subordinate  reports  of 
Brigadiers  and  Colonels  with  lists  of  killed  and  wounded 
and  missing  went  to  General  Grant  on  the  llth. 

The  enemy  is  still  in  our  front,  we  can  get  a  fight  the 
hour  and  minute  we  want  it.  Halleck,  Buell,  Grant  all 
in  authority  are  now  here  and  responsibility  cannot  be 
shifted.  The  common  soldiers  and  subordinates  ran 
away  and  now  want  to  blame  the  commanders.  .  .  . 
Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

CAMP   EIGHT   MILES   FRONT   OF   CORINTH, 

May  7,  1862. 
My  Dear  Brother  : 

The  scoundrels  who  fled  their  ranks  and  left  about  half 
their  number  to  do  their  work  have  succeeded  in  estab 
lishing  their  story  of  surprise,  stuck  with  bayonets  and 
swords  in  their  tents  and  all  that  stuff. 

They  were  surprised,  astonished  and  disgusted  at  the 
utter  want  of  respect  for  life  on  the  part  of  the  confed 
erates,  whom  they  have  been  taught  to  regard  as  inferior 
to  them,  and  were  surprised  to  see  them  approach  with 
banners  fluttering,  bayonets  glistening  and  lines  dressed 
on  the  centre.  It  was  a  beautiful  and  dreadful  sight  and 
I  was  prepared  for  and  have  freely  overlooked  the  fact 
that  many  wilted  and  fled, 'but  gradually  recovering, 
rejoined  our  ranks.  But  those  who  did  not  recover, 


146  THE  SHEBMAN  LETTERS 

their  astonishment  has  to  cast  about  for  a  legitimate 
excuse  ;  and  the  cheapest  one  was  to  accuse  their  officers, 
and  strange  to  say,  this  story  is  believed  before  ours  who 
fought  two  whole  days.  .  .  . 

In  this  instance  the  scamps  will  soon  learn  their  mis 
take.  Those  who  ran  and  cried  "surprise,"  "cut  up," 
&c.,  expected  all  who  stood  to  their  work  to  be  killed,  but 
all  were  not  killed  and  enough  remained  as  witnesses, 
after  the  public  are  satisfied  with  the  horrid  stories  of 
men  butchered,  &c.  .  .  . 

For  two  days  they  hung  about  the  river  bank  filling  the 
ears  of  newspaper  reporters  with  their  tales  of  horrid 
surprise.  Eegiments  all  cut  up,  they  the  only  survivors 
and  to  our  utter  amazement  we  find  it  settling  down  as 
history.  .  .  . 

Every  battery  (three)  was  harnessed  up  in  position 
before  called  on  to  fire  and  cavalry  (only  250  in  my  whole 
division)  was  in  the  saddle  at  daylight,  and  the  attack 
did  not  begin  until  the  sun  was  two  hours  high.  .  .  . 

Prentiss  was  not  surprised,  for  I  sent  him  word  an  hour 
before  the  enemies'  infantry  began  to  appear,  and  he  was 
not  made  prisoner  until  after  3  P.M.  .  .  . 

I  confess  I  did  not  think  Beauregard  would  abandon 
his  railroads  to  attack  us  on  our  base  (when  he  knew  that 
by  waiting  a  short  time  we  should  be  forced  to  advance) 
where  he  would  most  assuredly  have  been  beaten. 

I  am  on  the  extreme  right  and  we  are  in  contact  with 
the  enemies'  pickets.  Some  fierce  struggle  must  soon  fol 
low,  but  that  the  war  is  ended  or  even  fairly  begun  I  do 

not  believe. 

Affectionately  your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


ECHO  OF  SHILOH  IN   THE  NOETH  147 

WASHINGTON  CITY,  May  10,  1862. 

My  Dear  Brother :  I  received  your  recent  letter  in  which 
you  mention  your  position  on  the  morning  of  Sunday 
very  opportunely. 

It  arrived  on  the  morning  I  had  to  make  a  speech  on 
Ohio  volunteers.  The  imputations,  whether  just  or  unjust, 
upon  our  regiments  make  it  necessary  in  the  opinion  of 
our  delegation  that  someone  should  speak,  and  I  did  so. 
I  was  exceedingly  anxious  for  your  report  and  went  or 
sent  to  the  Adjutant  General's  office  daily  for  several 
days,  but  was  informed  that  none  of  the  details  or  divi 
sion  reports  had  come,  although  several  were  published 
in  the  newspapers.  I  collected  all  the  information  I 
could  and  made  my  speech.  Whether  I  am  in  a  mile  of 
the  truth  is  mere  chance,  but  I  believe  my  statement  is 
more  accurate  than  any  made.  Read  it  and  let  me  know. 
You  will  see  from  Harlan's  remarks  there  is  much  feel 
ing  against  Grant  and  I  try  to  defend  him,  but  with  little 
success.  Why  is  not  your  report  sent  in  ?  Pray  here 
after  have  a  copy  sent  to  me  of  all  future  reports.  .  .  . 

I  never  spoke  under  greater  embarrassment  than  I  did 
yesterday.  It  was  a  delicate  subject,  upon  which  my  con 
stituents  were  sensitive,  and  yet  I  was  in  ignorance  how 
far  your  reply  would  overthrow  me.  .  .  . 

As  to  your  personal  position  you  need  not  fear.  Hal- 
leek's  opinion  about  your  action  of  Sunday  is  the  opinion 
of  the  country.  You  are  as  likely  to  be  abused  on  my 
account  as  on  your  own.  I  am  so  accustomed  to  storms 
of  factious  opposition  as  to  be  perfectly  serene  under  it. 
I  hope  you  will  become  so. 

Affectionately, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 


148  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

HEADQUARTERS  STH  Div.,  May  12,  1862. 
CAMP  BEFORE  CORINTH. 

My  Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  I  was  gratified  on  Monday 
when  I  came  in  contact  with  my  old  Kentucky  com 
mand.  They  gathered  around  me  and  were  evidently 
pleased  to  meet  me  again,  officers  and  men.  I  think  Mr. 
Lincoln  is  a  pure  minded,  honest  and  good  man.  I  have 
all  faith  in  him.  .  .  . 

I  think  it  is  a  great  mistake  to  stop  enlistments. 
There  may  be  enough  soldiers  on  paper,  but  not  enough 
in  fact.  My  aggregate,  present  and  absent,  is  10,452. 
Present  for  duty,  5,298 ;  absent  sick,  2,557  ;  absent 
wounded,  855.  The  rest  are  on  various  detached  duties, 
as  teamsters  or  hospital  attendance,  embracing  about  600 
sick  in  camp. 

About  this  proportion  will  run  through  the  whole 
army.  I  have  not  really  one  thorough  soldier  in  my 
whole  army.  They  are  all  green  and  raw.  .  .  . 

Last  evening  I  had  to  post  my  own  pickets  and  come 
under  the  fire  of  the  enemies'  pickets.  Came  near  being 
hit.  Of  course,  being  mounted  and  ahead,  I  and  staff 
always  get  an  undue  share  of  attention. 

I  made  my  official  report  on  the  battle  of  the  6th  and 
7th  on  the  llth  of  April,  sent  it  to  Grant,  and  he  to 
Halleck.  It  has  not  been  published  and  it  is  none  of 
my  business.  An  officer  ought  not  to  publish  anything. 
His  report  is  to  the  Government,  may  contain  confiden 
tial  matters,  and  the  War  Department  alone  should  have 
the  discretion  to  publish  or  not,  according  to  the  interests 
of  Government.  .  .  . 

I  have  been  worried  to  death  by  the  carelessness  of 
officers  and  sentinels ;  have  begged,  importuned,  and 
cursed  to  little  purpose;  and  I  will  not  be  held  responsi 
ble  for  the  delinquencies  of  sentinels  fresh  from  home, 


CONFEDERATE  ERRORS  149 

with  as  much  idea  of  war  as  children.  All  I  know  is, 
we  had  our  entire  front,  immediate  guards  and  grand 
guards,  and  I  had  all  my  command  in  line  of  battle  well 
selected  before  we  had  seen  an  infantry  soldier  of  the 
enemy.  We  had  been  skirmishing  with  the  cavalry  for 
several  days,  and  we  could  not  get  behind  them.  All  we 
could  see  was  the  head  of  their  column,  and  that  admira 
bly  qualified  by  familiarity  of  the  country  for  the  pur 
pose  of  covering  an  approach. 

Grant  had  been  expecting  Buell  a  whole  week  before 
he  arrived.  We  all  knew  the  enemy  was  in  our  front, 
but  we  had  to  guess  at  his  purpose.  Now  that  it  is 
known,  all  are  prophets ;  but  before,  we  were  supposed 
to  be  a  vast  aggressive  force  sent  by  an  intelligent  Gov 
ernment  to  invade  the  South,  and  for  us  to  have  been 
nervous  on  the  subject  would  have  indicated  weakness. 
Beauregard  then  performed  the  very  thing  which  John 
ston  should  have  done  in  Kentucky  last  October. 

My  force  was  divided ;  he  could  have  interposed  his, 
attacked  McCook  at  Nolin  and  Thomas  at  London,  and 
would  have  defeated  us  with  perfect  ease.  The  seces 
sionists  would  then  have  had  Kentucky  and  Missouri 
both.  Why  he  did  not  is  a  mystery  to  me.  And  Buck- 
ner  told  me  that  Johnston's  neglect  on  that  occasion  was 
so  galling  to  him  that  he  made  him  give  a  written  order 
not  to  attempt  to  manoeuvre.  .  .  . 

We  are  now  encamped  six  miles  from  Corinth,  pickets 
about  one  mile  and  a  half  in  advance.  I  am  on  the 
extreme  right,  McClernand  is  in  my  rear  and  guards  off 
to  the  right.  The  roads  are  again  pretty  good  and  I 
don't  bother  myself  about  the  plans  and  aims  of  our  gen 
erals.  I  will  do  all  I  can  with  my  division,  but  regret 
that  I  have  not  better  discipline  and  more  reliable  men. 
Too  many  of  the  officers  are  sick  of  the  war  and  have 


150  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

gone  home  on  some  pretence  or  other.  I  am  in  pretty 
good  health  and  keep  close  to  my  work.  The  success  of 
our  arms  at  Norfolk  and  Williamsburg  are  extraordinary 
and  may  result  in  peace  sooner  than  I  calculated.  All  I 
fear  is  that  though  we  progress  we  find  plenty  of  push 
everywhere.  Weather  begins  to  be  hot. 

Affectionately  yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

SENATE  CHAMBER,  WASHINGTON,  May  19,  1862. 

Dear  Brother:  Your  official  report  was  so  complete 
and  satisfactory  that  it  has  settled  forever  all  the  absurd 
stories  about  the  battle  of  the  6th  and  7th.  It  also 
shows  me  that  with  all  my  care  to  be  right  I  made 
several  mistakes,  especially  as  to  the  volunteers  of  the 
6th  and  7th. 

Deep  anxiety  is  felt  here  as  to  your  position.  I  talked 
with  the  President  on  Saturday  about  the  general  state  of 
the  war.  He  evidently  fears  the  accumulation  of  forces 
under  Beauregard  and  said  he  had  and  would  again  tele 
graph  Halleck  not  to  move  forward  until  he  was  certain 
to  win.  If  the  Mississippi  is  clear  of  the  enemy  and  we 
get  Eichmond,  it  is  thought  that  will  secure  the  border 
States  and  we  can  afford  to  wait.  In  the  mean  time,  even 
under  terrible  financial  pressure  and  drain  of  active  war, 
the  country  is  flourishing.  Our  bonds  are  above  par, 
trade  is  active  and  produce  bears  a  good  price.  Much  of 
this  may  be  induced  by  the  inflation  of  paper  money,  but 
gold  is  abundant,  foreign  importations  active,  and  for 
eigners  are  making  investments  here  heavily.  In  my 
experience  in  public  affairs  I  have  never  known  times 
more  easy.  If  the  war  could  only  be  brought  to  a  close 
upon  the  basis  of  the  unity  and  integrity  of  the  Govern 
ment,  we  should  have  a  rebound  of  national  prosperity 


MADE  A  MAJOR-GENERAL  151 

that  would  soon  heal  all  the  losses  and  burdens  of  the 
war.  As  to  politics  now,  lines  are  being  drawn.  Radi 
cals  and  Conservatives  are  taking  sides  without  regard 
to  party  reasons.  If  the  rank  Secessionists  would  only 
give  up  their  insane  attempt  at  division  they  could  easily 
secure  every  reasonable  right.  They  must,  however,  lay 
aside  the  insolence  and  dogmatism  with  which  they  have 
domineered  over  our  better  men.  If  they  do  not  abandon 
their  cause,  events  will  force  a  war  in  the  cotton  States 
between  the  whites  and  blacks.  Hunter  has  already 
invited  it,  but  his  inconsiderate  proclamation  will  be  set 
aside.  However,  delay,  defeat  or  a  much  longer  continu 
ance  in  the  barbarity  of  rebel  warfare  will  prepare  the 
public  mind  in  the  North  for  a  warfare  that  will  not 
scruple  to  avail  itself  of  every  means  of  subjection. 

In  the  course  of  business  I  have  received  many  kind 
messages  for  you  from  your  many  friends,  among  others 
from  Swords,  Van  Vleit,  Garesche  and  others. 
Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

After  Shiloh,  Sherman  was  made  a  major-general. 

Corinth  was  evacuated  and  burned  by  the  rebels  on 
the  night  of  May  29th,  and  was  occupied  by  the  Northern 
army  on  the  following  day. 

The  following  order  issued  by  Sherman  to  his  division 
was  found  in  his  letter-book,  and  is  inserted  here :  — 

HEADQUARTERS  STH  Div.  ARMY  OF  THE  TENN., 
CAMP  BEFORE  CORINTH,  May  31,  1862. 

ORDERS  No.  30. 

The  General  commanding  5th  Division  Eight  Wing 
takes  this  occasion  to  express  to  the  officers  and  men  of 
his  command  his  great  satisfaction  with  them  for  the 
courage,  steadiness  and  great  industry  displayed  by  them 


152  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

during  the  past  month.  Since  leaving  our  memorable 
camp  at  Shiloh  we  have  occupied  and  strongly  entrenched 
seven  distinct  camps  in  a  manner  to  excite  the  admira 
tion  and  high  commendation  of  General  Halleck.  The 
division  has  occupied  the  right  flank  of  the  Grand  Army, 
thereby  being  more  exposed  and  calling  for  more  hard 
work  and  larger  guard  details  than  from  any  other  single 
division,  and  the  Commanding  General  repeats  that  his 
officers  and  men  have  promptly  and  cheerfully  fulfilled 
their  duty,  have  sprung  to  the  musket  or  spade  accord 
ing  to  the  occasion,  and  have  just  reason  to  claim  a  large 
share  in  the  honors  that  are  due  the  whole  army  for  the 
glorious  victory  terminating  at  Corinth  on  yesterday,  and 
it  affords  him  great  pleasure  to  bear  full  and  willing 
testimony  to  the  qualities  of  his  command  that  have 
achieved  this  victory,  a  victory  none  the  less  decisive 
because  attended  with  comparatively  little  loss  of  life. 

But  a  few  days  ago  a  large  and  powerful  rebel  army  lay 
at  Corinth  with  outposts  extending  to  our  very  camp  at 
Shiloh.  They  held  two  railroads  extending  North  and 
South,  East  and  West  across  the  whole  extent  of  their 
country,  with  a  vast  number  of  locomotives  and  cars  to 
bring  to  them  speedily  and  certainly  their  reinforcements 
and  supplies.  They  called  to  their  aid  all  their  armies 
from  every  quarter,  abandoning  the  sea  coast  and  the 
great  river  Mississippi  that  they  might  overwhelm  us 
with  numbers  in  the  place  of  their  own  choosing.  They 
had  their  chosen  leaders,  men  of  high  education  and 
courage,  and  they  dared  us  to  leave  the  cover  of  our  iron 
clad  gunboats  to  come  and  fight  them  in  their  trenches, 
and  the  still  more  dangerous  ambuscades  of  their  South 
ern  swamps  and  forests.  Their  whole  country  from 
Richmond  to  Memphis  and  from  Nashville  to  Mobile 
rang  with  their  taunts  and  boastings,  as  to  how  they 


EVACUATION  OF  CORINTH  153 

would  immolate  the  Yankees  if  they  dared  to  leave  the 
Tennessee  River.  They  boldly  and  defiantly  challenged 
us  to  meet  them  at  Corinth.  We  accepted  the  challenge 
and  came  slowly  and  without  attempt  at  concealment  to 
the  very  ground  of  their  selection,  and  they  had  fled 
away.  We  yesterday  marched  unopposed  through  the 
burning  embers  of  their  destroyed  camps  and  property, 
and  pursued  them  to  their  swamps  till  burning  bridges 
plainly  confessed  they  have  fled  and  not  marched  away 
for  better  ground.  It  is  a  victory  as  brilliant  and  impor 
tant  as  any  recorded  in  history,  and  any  officer  or  soldier 
who  has  lent  his  aid  has  just  reason  to  be  proud  of  his 
part.  No  amount  of  sophistry  or  words  from  the  leaders 
of  the  Rebellion  can  succeed  in  giving  the  evacuation  of 
Corinth  under  the  circumstances  any  other  title  than 
that  of  a  signal  defeat,  more  humiliating  to  them  and 
their  cause  than  if  we  had  entered  the  place  over  the 
dead  and  mangled  bodies  of  their  soldiers.  We  are  not 
here  to  kill  and  slay,  but  to  vindicate  the  honor  and  just 
authority  of  that  Government  which  has  been  bequeathed 
to  us  by  our  honored  fathers,  and  to  whom  we  would  be 
recreant  if  we  permitted  their  work  to  pass  to  our  chil 
dren  marred  and  spoiled  by  ambitious  and  wicked  rebels. 
The  General  commanding  while  thus  claiming  for  his 
division  their  just  share  in  this  glorious  result,  must  at 
the  same  time  remind  them  that  much  yet  remains  to  be 
done,  and  all  must  still  continue  the  same  vigilant  pa 
tience,  industry  and  obedience  till  the  enemy  lay  down 
their  arms  and  publicly  acknowledge  that  for  their  sup 
posed  grievances  they  must  obey  the  laws  of  their  country 
and  not  attempt  its  overthrow  by  threats,  by  cruelty  and 
by  war.  They  must  be  made  to  feel  and  acknowledge 
the  power  of  a  just  and  mighty  nation. 

This   result  can  only  be  accomplished  by  a  cheerful 


154  THE  SHERMAN  LETTEBS 

and  ready  obedience  to  the  orders  and  authority  of  our 
own  leaders,  in  whom  we  now  have  just  reason  to  feel  the 
most  implicit  confidence.  That  the  fifth  division  of  the 
right  wing  will  do  this,  and  that  in  due  time  we  will  all 
go  to  our  families  and  friends  at  home,  is  the  earnest 
prayer  and  wish  of  your  immediate  commander. 

W.  T.  SHERMAN, 

Major-GeneraL 

The  following  was  written  in  lead  pencil  on  the  same 
sheet :  — 

Dear  Brother :  Of  course  the  telegraph  has  announced 
the  evacuation  of  Corinth.  I  have  sent  to  General  Thomas 
commanding  Eight  Wing  my  report.  You  ask  for  a 
copy.  This  is  wrong,  as  official  reports  are  the  property 
of  the  War  Department.  I  have  sent  Ellen  the  rough 
draft  to  keep  and  I  have  instructed  her  to  make  and 
send  you  a  copy.  We  have  had  no  battle  and  I  cannot 
imagine  why  Beauregard  has  declined  battle.  I  was  on 
the  extreme  right  and  yesterday  pushed  into  the  town 
and  beyond  it,  but  their  army  had  gone  off  and  I  was 
ordered  back  to  this  camp. 

Pope  and  Buell  are  in  pursuit,  I  understand,  around  by 
the  left,  but  you  will  have  the  result  long  before  you  can 
receive  this  letter. 

I  send  you  a  copy  of  my  Division  Order  which  is  pub 
lic,  inasmuch  as  it  is  issued  to  my  own  command.  Its 
publication  would  interest  no  one,  but  lest  you  should 
print  it  on  the  supposition  that  it  would  interest  people, 
I  express  the  wish  that  it  be  not  published  until  Halleck's 
announcement  of  the  abandonment  of  Corinth  be  first 
made  public. 

I  cannot  imagine  what  turn  things  will  now  take,  but 
I  do  not  think  Halleck  will  attempt  to  pursue  far.  I 


BANES'    GENERALSHIP  155 

think  that  Beauregard  cannot  now  subsist  his  army  or 
hold  it  together  long. 

It  must  divide  to  live,  and  the  greatest  danger  is  that 
they  will  scatter  and  constitute  guerilla  bands.  The 
people  are  as  bitter  against  us  as  ever,  but  the  leaders 
must  admit  now  that  they  have  been  defeated.  I  hope 
all  this  army  with  some  exceptions  will  be  marched 
forthwith  to  Memphis.  A  part  could  be  spared  for 
Himtsville,  Ala.,  and  Nashville,  but  as  to  pursuing  over 
land  it  would  be  absurd.  We  want  the  Mississippi  now 
in  its  whole  length  and  a  moment  should  not  be  lost. 
I  am  glad  the  President  has  called  for  more  men.  He 
cannot  have  too  many,  and  the  more  men  the  sooner  the 
work  will  be  done.  All  is  not  yet  accomplished,  although 
certainly  great  strides  have  been  made.  If  McClellan 
succeeds  at  Richmond  and  we  can  take  Memphis,  we  could 
afford  to  pause  and  let  events  work.  Banks7  repulse  was 
certain.  Three  converging  armies  whose  point  was  in 
possession  of  the  enemy  was  worse  generalship  than  they 
tried  to  force  on  me  in  Kentucky  of  diverging  lines  with 
a  superior  enemy  between.  Our  people  must  respect  the 
well-established  principles  of  the  art  of  war,  else  suc 
cessful  fighting  will  produce  no  results.  I  am  glad  you 
are  pleased  at  my  report  at  Shiloh.  It  possesses  the 
merit  of  truth  and  you  may  safely  rely  on  it,  for  I  make 
no  points  but  what  I  can  sustain.  Your  speech  was 
timely  and  proper  for  you.  You  could  explain,  whereas 
I  had  to  report  actual  facts  without  fear  or  favor.  I  will 
write  when  more  at  leisure.  The  enemies'  works  are  very 
extensive.  They  must  have  had  100,000  men. 

Your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


156  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

MANSFIELD,  Aug.  8,  1862. 

Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  The  enlistment  of  recruits  is  now 
much  more  rapid  than  ever  before.  A  regiment  is  orga 
nizing  here  and  will  be  full  in  a  few  days.  The  new  call 
for  militia  will  also  soon  be  filled  up  and  I  hope  without 
a  draft.  Our  people  are  beginning  to  feel  a  little  more 
serious  about  the  war,  but  the  determination  to  wage  it 
to  a  successful  termination  is  stronger  and  firmer  than 
ever.  McClellan's  misfortunes  have  allayed  the  political 
feeling  that  was  gathering  about  him.  His  friends  have 
much  to  say  in  his  favor  and  his  opponents  are  very 
moderate  in  condemning  or  criticising  him.  If  you  have 
time,  write  to  me.  For  this  month  I  will  stay  here  as 
much  as  possible.  In  September  I  suppose  I  will  be  on 
the  stump.  After  that  I  mean  to  remain  as  quiet  as 
possible. 

Yours  affectionately, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  Aug.  24,  1862. 

Dear  Brother :  Your  letter  of  Aug.  13,  with  enclosures, 
was  received.  I  have  read  carefully  your  general  orders 
enclosed  and  also  your  order  on  the  employment  of 
negroes.  I  see  no  objection  to  the  latter  except  the  doubt 
and  delay  caused  by  postponing  the  pay  of  negroes  until 
the  courts  determine  their  freedom.  As  the  act  securing 
their  freedom  is  a  military  rule,  you  ought  to  presume 
their  freedom  until  the  contrary  is  known  and  pay  them 
accordingly.  .  .  . 

You  can  form  no  conception  at  the  change  of  opinion 
here  as  to  the  Negro  Question.  Men  of  all  parties  who 
now  appreciate  the  magnitude  of  the  contest  and  who  are 
determined  to  preserve  the  unity  of  the  government  at  all 
hazards,  agree  that  we  must  seek  the  aid  and  make  it  the 


LENIENCY  TO   THE  REBELS  157 

interests  of  the  negroes  to  help  us.  Nothing  but  our 
party  divisions  and  our  natural  prejudice  of  caste  has 
kept  us  from  using  them  as  allies  in  the  war,  to  be  used 
for  all  purposes  in  which  they  can  advance  the  cause  of 
the  country.  Obedience  and  protection  must  go  together. 
When  rebels  take  up  arms,  not  only  refuse  obedience  but 
resist  our  force,  they  have  no  right  to  ask  protection  in 
any  way.  And  especially  that  protection  should  not 
extend  to  a  local  right  inconsistent  with  the  general 
spirit  of  our  laws  and  the  existence  of  which  has  been 
from  the  beginning  the  chief  element  of  discord  in  the 
country.  I  am  prepared  for  one  to  meet  the  broad  issue 
of  universal  emancipation.  .  .  . 

By  the  way,  the  only  criticism  I  notice  of  your  man 
agement  in  Memphis  is  your  leniency  to  the  rebels.  I 
enclose  you  an  extract.  I  take  it  that  most  of  these  com 
plaints  are  groundless,  but  you  can  see  from  it  the  point 
upon  which  public  opinion  rests.  The  energy  and  bitter 
ness  which  they  have  infused  into  the  contest  must  be 
met  with  energy  and  determination.  .  .  . 

Such  is  not  only  the  lesson  of  history,  the  dictate  of 
policy,  but  it  is  the  general  popular  sentiment.  I  know 
you  care  very  little  for  the  latter.  .  .  . 

It  is  sometimes  passionate,  hasty  and  intemperate,  but 
after  a  little  fluctuation  it  settles  very  near  the  true  line. 
You  notice  that  Fremont,  Butler,  Mitchell,  Turchin  and 
Cochran  are  popular,  while  Buell,  Thomas,  McClellan 
and  others  are  not.  It  is  not  for  military  merit,  for  most 
persons  concede  the  inferiority  in  many  respects  of  the 
officers  first  named,  but  it  is  because  these  officers  agree 
with  and  act  upon  the  popular  idea.  .  .  . 

I  want  to  visit  you  in  Memphis  and  if  possible  go  see 
the  64th  and  65th.  If  it  is  possible  or  advisable,  let  me 
know  and  give  me  directions  how  to  get  there.  It  is  but 


158  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

right  that  I  should  see  the  regiments  I  organized,  and 
besides  I  should  like  to  see  you  if  I  should  not  incom 
mode  you  and  interfere  with  your  public  duties.  .  .  . 

Since  my  return  I  have  spent  most  of  my  time  in  my 
Library.  I  have  always  felt  that  my  knowledge  of 
American  politics  was  rather  the  superficial  view  of  the 
politician  and  not  accurate  enough  for  the  position 
assigned  me.  I  therefore  read  and  study  more  and  speak 
less  than  usual.  .  .  . 

We  all  wait  with  intense  anxiety  the  events  impend 
ing  in  Virginia.  We  all  fear  results  for  a  month  to 
come.  Now  is  the  chance  for  the  rebels. 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 


Halleck  succeeds  McClellan  —  Sherman  ordered  to  Memphis  —  Losses 
through  furloughs  —  Discouragement  at  the  North  in  the  autumn  of 
1862  —  The  election  —  Explanation  of  the  Republican  disasters  by 
John  Sherman  —  General  Sherman  leaves  Memphis  with  18,000  men, 
and  joins  Grant  —  Back  in  Memphis  —  Starts  on  the  expedition 
against  Vicksburg  —  Failure  of  the  attack  —  John  Sherman  on  Banks 

—  McClernand  in  command  —  Comments  of  General  Sherman  —  Hos 
tility  of  the  newspapers  on  account  of  his  objection  to  correspondents 

—  His  censure  of  the  press  since  the  beginning  of  the  war — Alarm 
at  the  consolidation  of  regiments 

Ox  July  16th  Halleck,  who  had  just  been  ordered  to 
the  East  to  succeed  McClellan,  sent  Sherman  a  dispatch 
telling  him  that  Grant  was  to  succeed  to  his  (Halleck's) 
command,  and  ordering  Sherman  to  Memphis.  Sherman 
reached  Memphis  July  21st,  and  immediately  took  com 
mand,  giving  his  time  to  the  discipline  and  drill  of  his 
two  divisions  and  to  the  administration  of  civil  affairs. 

MEMPHIS,  August  26th,  1862. 

Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  Gradually  the  practice  has  come 
into  my  original  proposition  that  none  but  discharged 
soldiers  should  go  home,  or  wounded  men.  All  others 
should  be  in  regimental  hospitals,  or  hospitals  estab 
lished  near  at  hand  where  as  they  convalesce  they  can 
join.  Although  from  the  President  down  to  the  lowest 
Brigadier  orders  to  this  effect  have  been  issued,  yet  there 
are  hundreds  trying  to  get  their  brothers  and  sons  home. 
I  know  full  well  the  intense  desire  to  get  home,  but  any 
army  would  be  ruined  by  this  cause  alone.  McClellan 
has  70,000  absent  from  his  army.  Some  were  sick,  but 
certainly  not  over  20,000 ;  with  the  other  50,000  our  coun- 

159 


160  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

try  might  have  been  saved  the  disgrace  of  a  retreat  from 
Richmond,  for  it  has  resolved  itself  into  that.  At  last 
all  have  come  to  the  conclusion  that  we  are  at  war,  and 
great  as  the  draft  has  been  on  your  population,  don't  sup 
pose  you  outnumber  the  South  yet.  All  their  people  are 
armed  and  at  war.  You  hear  of  vast  armies  at  Rich 
mond,  at  Chattanooga  and  threatening  New  Orleans, 
whilst  the  whole  country  is  full  of  guerilla  bands  num 
bering  hundreds.  All  the  people  are  armed.  A  year  ago 
we  could  have  taken  them  unprepared,  but  they  have  used 
the  year  to  buy  all  kinds  of  arms  and  munitions  of  war  and 
wherever  we  go  we  find  them  well  prepared.  They  seem 
to  have  left  this  quarter.  I  am  glad  of  the  new  levies 
and  only  regret  the  loss  of  the  year.  The  present  opera 
tions  in  Virginia  and  Kentucky  are  all  important.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

MEMPHIS,  Sept.  3,  1862. 
Dear  Brother  : 

It  is  easy  to  say  "  thou  shalt  not  steal,"  but  to  stop 
stealing  puzzles  the  brains  of  hundreds  of  men  and 
employs  thousands  of  bailiffs,  sheriffs,  &c.,  &c.  So  you 
or  Congress  may  command  "  slaves  shall  be  free,"  but  to 
make  them  free  and  see  that  they  are  not  converted  into 
thieves,  idlers  or  worse  is  a  difficult  problem  and  will 
require  much  machinery  to  carry  out.  Our  commissa 
ries  must  be  ordered  to  feed  them  and  some  provision 
must  be  made  for  the  women  and  children.  My  order 
gives  employment  to  say  two  thousand,  all  men.  Now 
that  is  about  -|-  of  a  command.  Extend  that  population 
to  the  whole  army  of  80,000  gives  10,000  slaves,  and  if 
we  pay  10  dollars  a  month  the  estimate  can  be  made. 
If  the  women  and  children  are  to  be  provided  for,  we 


VOX  POPULI  161 

must  allow  for  their  support  of,  say,  one  million.  Where 
are  they  to  get  work  ?  Who  is  to  feed  them,  clothe  them, 
and  house  them  ? 

We  cannot  now  give  tents  to  our  soldiers  and  our 
wagon  trains  are  a  horrible  impediment,  and  if  we  are  to 
take  along  and  feed  the  negroes  who  flee  to  us  for  refuge 
it  will  be  an  impossible  task.  You  cannot  solve  this 
negro  question  in  a  day. 

Your  brigade  is  not  here.  I  think  it  is  with  Buell 
near  Chattanooga.  The  last  I  saw  of  them  they  were  in 
Garfield's  brigade  at  Shiloh.  still  I  should  be  glad  if  you 
would  come  to  Memphis  on  a  visit.  Provided  the  south 
ern  army  do  not  reach  Kentucky  or  get  into  Maryland. 
In  either  of  those  events  the  people  of  the  North  must 
rise  en  masse  with  such  weapons  as  they  can  get  and 
repair  to  the  frontier.  .  .  . 

The  people  are  always  right.  Of  course,  in  the  long 
run,  because  this  year  they  are  one  thing,  next  year 
another.  Do  you  say  the  people  were  right  last  year  in 
saying,  acting  and  believing  that  30,000  were  enough  to 
hold  Kentucky  and  carry  on  an  offensive  war  against  the 
South  ?  "  The  People  "  is  a  vague  expression. 

Here  the  people  are  not  right  because  you  are  warring 
against  them.  People  in  the  aggregate  may  be  wrong. 
There  is  such  a  thing  as  absolute  right  and  absolute 
wrong.  And  people  may  do  wrong  as  well  as  right.  Our 
people  are  always  right,  but  another  people  may  be  and 
always  are  wrong. 

Affectionately  your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHEKMAN. 

MEMPHIS,  Sept.  22,  1862. 

Dear  Brother :  Troops  are  moving  up  through  Arkan 
sas  for  Missouri.  It  looks  as  though  they  want  to 


162  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

swap  countries  with  us.  It  is  about  time  the  North 
understood  the  truth.  That  the  entire  South,  man, 
woman  and  child  are  against  us,  armed  and  determined. 
It  will  call  for  a  million  men  for  several  years  to  put 
them  down.  They  are  more  confident  than  ever,  none 
seem  to  doubt  their  independence,  but  some  hope  to  con 
quer  the  northwest.  My  opinion  is  there  never  can  be 
peace  and  we  must  fight  it  out.  I  guess  you  now  see 
how,  from  the  very  first  I  argued,  that  you  all  under 
estimated  the  task.  None  of  you  would  admit  for  a 
moment  that  after  a  year's  fighting  the  enemy  would 
still  threaten  Washington,  Cincinnati  and  St.  Louis. 
We  ought  to  hold  fast  to  the  Mississippi  as  a  great 
base  of  operation.  I  should  regard  the  loss  of  St.  Louis 
as  more  fatal  to  our  future  success  than  the  capture  by 
them  of  Harrisburg  and  Philadelphia.  Your  brigade  is 
now  with  Buell.  I  don't  understand  his  move,  but  now 
suppose  he  will  cross  Green  River  and  fight  north  of  it. 
Still  I  don't  see  exactly  his  strategy  or  tactics.  The 
passage  of  the  enemy  north  of  us,  leaving  us  among  a 
hostile  population,  was  a  bold  and  successful  movement 
and  will  give  them  great  credit  in  Europe.  You  doubt 
less,  like  most  Americans,  attribute  our  want  of  success 
to  bad  generals.  I  do  not.  With  us  you  insist  the 
boys,  the  soldiers,  govern.  They  must  have  this  or  that 
or  will  cry  down  their  leaders  in  the  newspapers,  so  no 
general  can  achieve  much.  They  fight  or  run  as  they 
please  and  of  course  it  is  the  general's  fault.  Until 
this  is  cured,  we  must  not  look  for  success.  But  on 
the  whole,  things  look  more  favorable  than  at  any 
former  time,  as  the  numbers  engaged  on  both  sides  are 
approaching  the  occasion. 

The  war  is,  which  race,  that  of  the  North  or  South, 
shall  rule  America.     The  greatest  danger  North  is  divi- 


THE  BAD  MILITARY  SITUATION  163 

sion  and  anarchy,  but  I  hope  the  pressure  from  the 
South  will  keep  all  united  until  our  armies  begin  to 
have  some  discipline  and  see  how  important  it  is  to 
success. 

Our  fort  here  is  nearly  done,  I  have  20  heavy  guns 
mounted  and  about  30  field  pieces,  7000  Infantry  and 
600  Cavalry.  Some  of  my  regiments  are  now  in  fine 
drill  and  discipline  and  all  are  doing  well.  We  are  all, 
however,  tied  down  till  events  elsewhere  develop. 
Affectionately  yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  Sept.  23rd,  1862. 

Dear  Brother  :  The  rapid  change  in  our  military  con 
dition  in  Kentucky  drew  to  Cincinnati  an  immense  body 
of  irregular  forces  as  well  as  a  large  number  of  the  new 
regiments.  I  went  there  with  the  intention,  if  advis 
able,  to  go  to  Memphis,  but  all  thought  it  wrong  for  me 
to  venture.  .  .  . 

Since  the  date  of  your  letter  the  condition  of  affairs 
has  changed  very  much  for  the  worse.  The  sudden  over 
running  of  Kentucky,  the  surrender  of  Murfreesville, 
the  battle  of  Eichmond,  the  long  and  unaccountable 
delay  of  Buell,  have  all  combined  to  make  a  gloomy 
feeling  here,  but  do  not  affect  the  resolution  to  fight  this 
war  to  a  successful  conclusion.  We  are  now  anxiously 
awaiting  further  movements  in  Kentucky  by  Buell.  If 
he  fails  it  is  manifest  a  year  is  lost  and  our  new  levies 
will  have  to  commence  the  war  in  the  West  over  again. 
The  terrible  battles  in  Maryland  and  the  retreat  of  the 
rebels  into  Virginia  give  only  a  ray  of  comfort,  for  we 
lost  more  than  we  gained.  The  surrender  at  Harper's 
Ferry  loses  us  more  material  of  war  than  the  entire 
train  of  rebels  is  worth.  And  even  now  it  is  uncertain 


164  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

whether  the  retreat  into  Virginia  is  not  a  part  of  the 
plan  of  operations  originally  designed  to  carry  the  war 
into  Western  Virginia,  Pennsylvania  and  Ohio.  As  one 
of  the  bad  signs  I  regret  to  notice  so  many  quarrels 
between  officers.  .  .  . 

The  feeling  among  the  people  is  general  that  the  regu 
lar  officers  are  indisposed  to  treat  with  decent  civility 
those  who,  like  most  of  the  great  military  men  of  his 
tory,  are  educated  in  the  field  rather  than  in  the  school. 
And  it  is  feared  that  habits  of  education  and  association 
make  them  feel  indifferent  of  the  success  of  the  war  — 
fighting  rather  from  a  pride  of  duty  than  from  an  earnest 
conviction  that  the  rebellion  must  be  put  down  with 
energy.  Since  Halleck  went  to  Washington  every  move 
ment  is  left  to  him  absolutely.  No  interference  or  even 
advice  is  tendered.  He  has  chosen  his  own  officers,  and 
if  he  fails  I  see  nothing  left  but  for  the  people  to  resort 
to  such  desperate  means  as  the  French  and  English  did 
in  their  revolutions. 

I  am  rejoiced  that  you  have  been  able  to  keep  out  of 
the  adversities  that  have  befallen  us.  Your  course  in 
Memphis  is  judicious.  Your  speech  I  can  heartily  en 
dorse.  I  hope  you  can  maintain  yourself  at  Memphis 
until  relieved,  and  I  have  no  doubt  you  will  fill  an  hon 
orable  place  in  the  history  of  our  times.  By  the  way,  I 
received  within  a  day  or  two  a  letter  from  a  gentleman 
of  the  highest  political  status  containing  this  passage: 
"Within  the  last  few  days  I  heard  an  officer  say  he 
heard  your  brother  the  General,  abuse  you  roundly  at 
Corinth  as  one  of  the  blank  abolitionists  who  had  brought 
on  the  war,  and  that  he  was  ashamed  to  own  you  as  a 
brother."  I  have  no  doubt  the  officer  said  this  but  I 
knew  you  did  not,  and  so  contradicted  it  with  decided 
emphasis.  I  only  repeat  it  now  to  show  you  how  per- 


GRAVITY  OF  THE   WAR  165 

sistently  efforts  are  being  made  to  separate  the  class  of 
high,  regular  officers  to  which  you  belong  from  civilians. 
Whenever  that  separation  is  effected  all  important  com 
mands  will  gradually  be  transferred  to  such  officers  as 
Banks,  Sigel,  Morgan,  Nelson,  and  to  such  regular  offi 
cers  as  show  a  sympathy  with  the  Eadical  faction  as 
Hunter,  Fremont  and  Doubleday.  I  earnestly  depre 
cate  all  such  tendencies.  I  want  the  war  conducted 
regularly  according  to  the  tenets  of  civilized  warfare. 
I  prefer  regular  officers  and  scarcely  ever  criticise  them 
and  never  in  public,  but  if  the  time  shall  come  when 
emancipation  of  blacks  and  civilization  of  whites  is  nec 
essary  in  order  to  preserve  the  unity  of  this  country, 
then  I  would  prefer  a  fanatic  like  John  Brown  to  lead 
our  armies  and  an  abolitionist  like  Chase  with  brains 
and  energy  to  guide  our  counsels. 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

MEMPHIS,  Oct.  1,  1862. 

Dear  Brother :  I  did  not  expect  you  would  come  if  the 
confederates  got  possession  of  Kentucky.  Even  on  the 
Mississippi  the  boats  are  fired  on  daily.  I  have  been 
compelled  to  burn  down  one  town  and  resort  to  retalia 
tion.  I  understand  Prentiss  has  ordered  back  from  Helena 
a  part  of  the  forces  towards  St.  Louis,  on  the  ground  that 
the  confederates  are  again  advancing  on  Missouri.  I 
rather  think  you  now  agree  with  me  that  this  is  no  com 
mon  war,  that  it  was  not  going  to  end  in  a  few  months 
or  a  few  years.  For  after  eighteen  months'  war  the 
enemy  is  actually  united,  armed,  and  determined,  with 
powerful  forces  well  handled,  disciplined  and  commanded 
on  the  Potomac,  the  Ohio,  the  Missouri.  You  must  now 
see  that  I  was  right  in  not  seeking  prominence  at  the 


166  THE  SHEEMAN  LETTEE8 

outstart.  I  knew  and  know  yet  that  the  northern  peo 
ple  have  to  unlearn  all  their  experience  of  the  past 
thirty  years  and  be  born  again  before  they  will  see  the 
truth.  .  .  . 

The  South  has  united  people  and  as  many  men  as  she 
can  arm,  and  though  our  armies  pass  across  and  through 
the  land,  the  war  closes  in  behind  and  leaves  the  same 
enemy  behind.  We  attempt  to  occupy  places,  and  the  peo 
ple  rise  up  and  make  the  detachments  prisoners.  I  know 
you  all  recognize  in  these  facts  simply  that  Mason  is  a 
coward,  Ford  an  ass,  McClellan  slow,  Buell  over-cautious, 
and  Wright  timid.  This  may  all  be  so,  but  the  causes 
lie  deeper.  Everybody  thought  I  exaggerated  the  dan 
gers,  so  I  have  no  right  to  an  opinion,  but  I  rather  think 
many  now  see  the  character  of  the  war  in  which  we  are 
engaged.  I  don't  see  the  end  or  the  beginning  of  the 
end,  but  suppose  we  must  prevail  and  persist  or  perish. 
I  don't  believe  that  two  nations  can  exist  within  our  old 
limits,  and  therefore  that  war  is  on  us  and  we  must 
fight  it  out.  .  .  . 

When  anybody  tells  you  that  I  ever  doubted  your 
honesty  and  patriotism,  tell  him  he  says  false.  I  may 
have  said  you  were  a  politician  and  that  we  differed 
widely  in  the  origin  of  this  war,  but  that  being  in  it,  we 
fully  agreed  that  it  must  be  fought  out.  But  you  have 
more  faith  than  I  in  the  people.  They  are  not  infallible. 
People  may  err  as  much  as  men,  as  individuals  and 
whole  communities  may  err.  Can  the  people  of  the 
North  be  right  and  the  South  too  ?  One  of  the  peoples 
must  be  wrong.  .  .  . 

Your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


[  1862] 


CAUSES  OF  REPUBLICAN  DEFEAT  167 

The  following  letter  from  John  Sherman  was  written 
just  after  the  autumn  elections,  which  resulted  so  disas 
trously  to  the  Eepublican  party  :  — 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  Nov.  16,  1862. 
Dear  Brother : 

Two  matters  now  excite  attention  among  politicians. 
What  is  the  cause  and  what  will  be  the  effect  of  the 
recent  elections,  and  what  are  we  to  do  about  our  depre 
ciated  paper  money.  No  doubt  many  causes  conspire  to 
defeat  the  Union  parties.  The  two  I  will  name  were 
the  most  influential,  and  yet  the  least  will  be  said  about 
them. 

The  first  is,  that  the  Republican  organization  was 
voluntarily  abandoned  by  the  President  and  his  leading 
followers,  and  a  no-party  Union  was  formed  to  run 
against  an  old,  well-drilled  party  organization.  This 
was  simply  ridiculous.  It  was  as  if  you  should  disband 
your  army  organization  because  it  was  tyrannical,  and 
substitute  the  temporary  enthusiasm  of  masses  to  fight 
regular  armies.  Political  as  well  as  military  organiza 
tion  is  necessary  to  success.  Ward  meetings,  commit 
tees,  conventions,  party  cries  are  just  as  necessary  in 
politics,  as  drills,  reviews,  &c.,  are  in  war,  so  the  Repub 
licans  have  found  out.  If  they  have  the  wisdom  to 
throw  overboard  the  old  debris  that  joined  them  in  the 
Union  movement,  they  will  succeed.  If  not,  they  are 
doomed. 

The  other  prominent  reason  for  defeat  is,  the  people 
were  dissatisfied  at  the  conduct  and  results  of  the  war. 
The  slow  movements  on  the  Potomac  and  worse  still  in 
Kentucky  dissatisfied  and  discouraged  people.  It  was 
a  little  singular  that  the  Democrats,  some  of  whom 
opposed  the  war,  should  reap  the  benefit  of  this  feeling, 


168  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

but  such  is  the  fate  of  parties.  Lincoln  was  a  Kepub- 
lican.  He  put  and  kept  in  these  slow  generals  and  we 
shall  be  punished  for  it  by  having  an  organized  opposition 
limiting  appropriations.  No  doubt  the  wanton  and  un 
necessary  use  of  the  power  to  arrest  without  trial  and 
the  ill-timed  proclamation  contributed  to  the  general 
result.  The  other  matter  I  allude  to  is  demanding 
careful  consideration.  As  it  is  my  line  of  official  duty, 
I  have  formed  certain  theories  which  may  be  all  wrong  ; 
but  as  they  are  the  result  of  reflection,  I  will  act  upon 
them.  My  remedy  for  paper  money  is,  by  taxation,  to 
destroy  the  banks  and  confine  the  issue  to  Government 
paper.  Let  this  only  issue,  as  it  is  found  to  be  difficult 
to  negotiate  the  bonds  of  the  government.  As  a  matter 
of  course  there  will  a  time  come  when  this  or  any  scheme 
of  paper  money  will  lead  to  bankruptcy,  but  that  is  the 
result  of  war  and  not  of  any  particular  plan  of  finance. 
I  watch  your  course  closely  and  take  great  interest  and 
pride  in  your  success. 

Affectionately  your  brother, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

MEMPHIS,  Nov.  24,  1862. 

Dear  Brother:  I  am  just  back  from  Columbus,  Ky., 
where  I  went  to  meet  Gen.  Grant.  I  start  on  Wednes 
day,  with  all  the  troops  that  can  be  spared  from  Memphis, 
to  co-operate  with  Grant  against  the  enemy  now  en 
forced  behind  the  Tallahatchee,  about  60  miles  S.E.  of 
Memphis.  Grant  may  have  about  35,000  and  I  shall 
take  17,000.  Our  old  regiments  are  very  small,  and  I 
am  sorry  to  learn  that  no  recruits  are  ready  to  fill  them 
up.  So  much  clamor  was  raised  about  the  draft  that 
I  really  was  led  to  believe  there  was  something  in  it, 
but  now  I  suppose  it  was  one  of  those  delusions  of  which 


EVILS  OF  ABSENTEEISM  169 

the  papers  are  so  full.  Your  letter  of  the  16th  is  before 
me.  I  could  write  a  good  deal  on  the  points  that  you 
make,  but  hardly  have  time  to  do  them  justice.  The 
late  election  doesn't  disturb  me  a  particle.  The  people 
have  so  long  been  accustomed  to  think  they  could  accom 
plish  anything  by  a  vote,  that  they  still  think  so ;  but 
now  a  vote  is  nothing  more  than  a  change  and  will 
produce  no  effect.  The  war  might  have  been  staved  off 
a  few  years,  or  the  issue  might  have  been  made  up  more 
clearly,  or  the  first  enthusiasm  of  the  country  might 
have  been  better  taken  advantage  of ;  but  these  are  now 
all  past,  and  fault-finding  will  do  no  good.  We  are 
involved  in  a  war  that  will  try  the  sincerity  of  all 
our  professions  of  endurance,  courage  and  patriotism. 
Leaders  will  of  course  be  killed  off  by  the  score.  Thou 
sands  will  perish  by  the  bullet  or  sickness;  but  war 
must  go  on  —  it  can't  be  stopped.  The  North  must  rule 
or  submit  to  degradation  and  insult  forevermore.  The 
war  must  now  be  fought  out.  The  President,  Congress, 
no  earthly  power  can  stop  it  without  absolute  submis 
sion.  .  .  . 

Of  course  I  foresaw  all  these  complications  at  the 
outset,  and  was  amused  at  the  apathy  of  the  country 
after  the  South  had  begun  the  war  by  the  seizure  of 
arsenals,  forts,  mints  and  public  property,  and  still  more 
at  the  call  for  75,000  volunteers,  when  a  million  was  the 
least  that  any  man  who  had  ever  been  South  would  have 
dreamed  of.  These  half-way  measures  at  the  start  only 
add  labor  in  the  end.  .  .  . 

McClernand  is  announced  as  forming  a  grand  army  to 
sweep  the  Mississippi,  when,  the  truth  is,  he  is  in 
Springfield,  111.,  trying  to  be  elected  to  the  U.  S.  Senate. 
I  believe  at  this  moment  we  have  more  men  under  pay 
at  home  than  in  the  field,  and  suppose  there  is  no  help 


170  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

for  it.  If  you  want  to  make  a  good  law,  make  a  simple 
one,  "  No  work,  no  pay."  No  pay  unless  on  duty  at  the 
place  where  the  army  is.  That  would  save  tens  of 
millions  per  annum. 

I  leave  here  the  day  after  to-morrow  for  Tclmllahonia, 
to  communicate  with  Grant  at  Holly  Springs.     Our  joint 
forces  should  reach  near  50,000  men,  but  sickness  and 
other  causes  will  keep  us  down  to  about  40,000. 
Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

COLLEGE  HILL,  Miss.,  NEAR  OXFORD, 
Dec.  6,  1862. 

Dear  Brother:  I  left  Memphis  Wednesday,  Nov.  26, 
with  26  regiments  of  Infantry,  ten  field  batteries  and 
one  Cavalry  regiment.  In  all  about  18,000  men  to  co 
operate  with  Grant  in  attacking  the  enemy,  then  lying 
on  the  south  bank  of  the  Tallahatchee,  18  miles  south 
of  Holly  Springs  and  about  70  from  Memphis.  Their 
strength  is  estimated  from  about  40,000  to  50,000  men, 
under  Pemberton,  Price,  Van  Dorn  and  others.  Grant 
allowed  me  4  days  to  reach  Tchullahoina.  In  3  days 
I  was  near  Tallahoosee,  when  I  communicated  with  him, 
and  next  day  reached  Tchullahoma,  he  advancing  to 
Waterford.  Coincident  with  our  movement,  an  expe 
dition  was  planned  to  move  from  Helena  under  Gen. 
Harvey,  to  attack  or  threaten  Grenada,  about  60  miles 
to  the  rear  of  the  position  of  the  enemy.  On  approach 
ing  the  Tallahatchee  we  found  it  abandoned,  although 
its  fords,  ferries,  and  crossing  places  had  been  well 
fortified  and  obstructed.  Grant  moved  on  the  main  road 
south  from  Holly  Springs,  and  I  on  his  right  about  10 
miles,  reaching  the  river  at  an  old  town  called  Wyatt. 
I  had  brought  boats  with  me  from  Memphis,  with  which 


OPERATIONS  IN  MISSISSIPPI  171 

we  soon  crossed  our  infantry  and  cavalry  regiments, 
swimming  the  horses,  and  found  two  long  lines  of  in- 
trenchments  about  2  miles  back  from  the  river,  where 
there  is  a  kind  of  neck.  These  were,  however,  completely 
abandoned.  Sending  the  Cavalry  ahead  to  co-operate 
with  Grant,  then  pressing  the  rear  of  the  retreating 
forces,  deliberately  set  to  work,  built  a  good  bridge,  and 
the  day  before  yesterday  I  rode  forward  to  Oxford, 
where  I  found  Grant  and  received  his  further  orders  to 
cross  and  occupy  College  Hill,  4  miles  to  his  right. 

I  have  one  division,  Dunn's,  here,  and  2  on  Hurricane 
Creek,  to  my  rear.  We  have  had  two  days'  hard  rain 
and  snow,  making  the  roads  very  bad.  Indeed,  since 
the  building  of  the  railroad,  the  mud  roads,  leading  north 
and  south  are  disused  and  are  washed  very  badly,  the 
country  resembling  that  about  Somerset,  Ohio.  We  find 
plenty  of  corn,  fodder,  cattle,-  hogs,  sheep,  &c.,  so  that 
our  enemies  have  not  been  starving.  Salt  is  scarce,  but 
they  are  manufacturing  it  largely  on  the  coast,  and  at 
well  about  Mobile.  By  our  movement,  we  have  for 
the  time  being  cleared  North  Mississippi.  I  doubt  if 
we  shall  proceed  much  further  on  this  line,  as  operations 
should  now  proceed  against  Vicksburg  and  Yazoo.  I 
hear  nothing  from  Virginia  or  Kentucky.  We  are  far 
ahead  of  them,  and  they  should  push  up.  .  .  . 

I  suppose  you  hear  little  of  me.     I  allow  no  reporters 
about.     My  official  reports  go  to  the  proper  office,  and 
thus  the  enemy  shall  learn  nothing  of  my  forces,  plans  or 
purposes,  through  an  egotistical  and  corrupt  press.  .  .  . 
Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


172  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

General  Sherman  sent  to  his  brother  copies  of  the 
orders  he  received  from  Grant  before  his  [Sherman's] 
attack  on  Vicksburg.  He  also  sent  the  following  "  Re 
marks,"  which  have  never  been  published,  and  which 
were  written  by  him  in  response  to  the  severe  criticisms 
of  the  press  after  the  failure  of  his  attempt :  — 

REMARKS 

I  put  the  division  of  M.  L.  Smith  in  motion  the  next 
day  (9th  Dec.)  and  in  the  three  succeeding  days  we 
marched  into  Memphis  arriving  there  the  12th.  Forth 
with  sent  special  aids  to  Helena  to  which  point  Curtis' 
forces  detached  to  Grenada  had  returned  (to  Columbus, 
Ky.),  communicated  daily  to  Gen.  Grant  progress  made 
and  fixed  the  18th  to  embark.  I  got  some  boats  in 
Memphis,  loaded  them  with  ammunition,  provisions  and 
forage  in  advance,  calculating  for  30,000  men  for  40 
days.  I  reported  promptly  the  fact  that  by  combining 
the  Memphis  and  Helena  forces  and  deducting  the  gar 
risons  ordered,  I  could  not  make  up  more  than  30,000 
men.  I  reported  the  same  fact  to  Halleck.  I  could  not 
get  the  boats  to  embark  at  Memphis  until  the  20th  and 
at  Helena  the  22nd,  but  I  had  appointed  Christmas  day 
to  reach  the  mouth  of  the  Yazoo  and  did  it,  detaching 
portions  on  my  way  down  to  break  the  very  important 
railroad  leading  from  Vicksburg  to  Texas  finished  out 
100  miles  to  Monroe,  La.,  and  running  three  trains  a  day. 
Arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  Yazoo  I  met  all  the  Navy 
officers  who  had  been  running  up  and  down  for  months. 
All  agreed  we  could  not  land  at  Haines  Bluff  on  account 
of  the  batteries  and  torpedoes.  The  only  practicable 
landing  place  where  we  could  emerge  was  at  or  near 
Johnson's  plantation.  All  agreed  on  this,  but  no  one 
knew  of  the  road  or  roads  leading  back  to  Vicksburg 
save  that  there  had  been  roads,  and  the  distance  was 


ATTACK  ON    VICKSBURG  173 

seven  miles.  I  examined  all  the  maps,  questioned  all  the 
officers  and  negroes  and  then  announced,  in  orders,  the 
time,  place  and  manner  of  landing,  marching  and  fight 
ing.  Grant  had  been  advised  of  all  my  movements  and 
his  orders  were  "  as  soon  as  possible,"  naming  to  me  the 
18th.  I  had  no  reason  to  doubt  that  he  would  soon  be 
heard  of.  I  once  did  hear  from  a  negro  that  the  Yan 
kees  had  got  to  Yazoo  city.  Had  that  been  true  we 
could  have  succeeded.  Same  of  Banks  coming  up.  My 
instructions  never  contemplated  my  taking  Vicksburg 
alone.  It  was  ridiculous,  but  I  supposed  every  hour  and 
minute  I  might  hear  Grant's  guns  to  the  north  and 
Banks'  south.  Grant  was,  it  appears,  by  rain  and  the 
acts  of  the  enemy  compelled  to  fall  back  of  where  I  had 
left  him  and  had  no  means  of  sending  me  word.  I 
urged  the  attack  because,  from  the  masses  of  the  enemy 
I  saw  and  the  sounds  of  cars  coming  20  and  30  times  a 
day,  I  felt  the  enemy  was  receiving  large  reinforcements. 
I  know  the  attack  was  made  on  the  best  point  and  those 
who  say  otherwise  don't  know  the  ground.  I  do,  having 
examined  each  spot  in  person  by  night  and  day.  On  the 
point  of  the  real  attack,  the  head  of  the  Chickasaw  Bayou, 
I  had  assembled  all  of  Morgan's  and  Steele's  divisions, 
more  than  half  my  whole  force,  and  as  many  men  as 
could  be  assembled  on  that  ground.  The  other  divisions 
at  the  same  time  also  were  actually  engaged,  though 
Morgan  and  Blair  did  not  think  so  because  they  could 
not  see  and  hear  it,  but  I  did.  .  .  . 

It  is  not  so  that  the  troops  were  injured  by  my  man 
agement.  They  were  re-embarked  as  soon  as  such  a 
thing  could  be  done.  We  went  by  Millikin's  bend  to 
Arkansas  Post,  where  as  usual  I  had  to  lead  and  back 
again  here  before  Banks  can  be  heard  of  or  Grant's 
troops  have  come  up  even  by  water.  Grant  is  now  here 


174  THE  SHEEMAN  LETTERS 

in  command,  well  satisfied  that  I  fulfilled  Ms  orders  to 
the  letter,  only  that  he  was  unable  to  co-operate  until 
too  late. 

Yours, 

SHERMAN. 

The  city  of  Vicksburg  occupied  a  well-nigh  impregnable 
position  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  and  its  pos 
session  was  considered  absolutely  essential  to  success  by 
both  armies.  Early  in  December,  1862,  General  Sherman 
was  ordered  to  Memphis  to  organize  the  forces  there  and 
to  proceed  down  the  river  to  Vicksburg.  The  plan  was 
for  Sherman,  acting  in  conjunction  with  the  naval  force  on 
the  river,  to  attack  and  surprise  Vicksburg,  while  Grant 
held  in  check  the  bulk  of  the  rebel  forces  under  General 
Pemberton,  to  the  north  of  the  city.  General  Banks, 
who  had  been  sent  to  supersede  General  Butler  at  New 
Orleans,  had  meanwhile  been  ordered  up  the  river.  So 
Sherman  made  his  attack  on  the  city,  expecting  the 
co-operation  of  General  Grant  from  the  north  and  Gen 
eral  Banks  from  the  south.  The  attack  was  unsuccess 
ful,  as  neither  Grant  nor  Banks  was  able  to  co-operate 
with  Sherman.  The  following  letters  refer  to  this 
attack :  — 

MEMPHIS,  Dec.  14,  1862. 

Dear  Brother:  I  am  back  in  Memphis,  having  been 
charged  by  Gen.  Grant  to  organize  the  forces  here  and 
such  as  may  be  assigned  from  Helena,  and  to  proceed  to 
Vicksburg  and  reduce  that  place  and  co-operate  with 
Grant,  whom  I  left  at  Oxford,  Miss.  He  expected  I 
would  have  40,000  but  I  cannot  count  on  more  than 
30,000,  but  expect  if  steamers  arrive  according  to  the 
design,  by  the  18th  to  embark  for  that  destination.  The 
move  is  one  of  vast  importance  and  if  successful  will 
remove  the  obstacles  to  the  navigation  of  the  Missis 
sippi,  although  it  will  as  long  as  war  lasts  be  a  source  of 
contention.  I  take  it  that  now  Vicksburg  is  fortified  by 


DIVIDED   COMMAND  175 

land  and  water,  and  that  it  is  a  difficult  task,  but  it  must 
be  undertaken.  Things  are  not  exactly  right.  Grant 
commands  on  this  side,  Curtis  on  the  west  and  Admiral 
Porter  on  the  River.  All  ought  to  be  under  one  head, 
but  thus  far  I  meet  the  heartiest  co-operation  and  I  feel 
certain  that  we  will  all  act  in  concert.  Our  move  on 
the  Tallahatchee  was  well  planned  and  well  executed. 
Though  we  had  no  battles  yet  the  enemy  had  made 
every  preparation  for  a  determined  resistance  at  the 
Tallahatchee,  but  were  completely  disconcerted  by  the 
move  on  their  flank  and  rear  from  Helena,  which  was 
entirely  unexpected.  The  country  between  the  Yazoo 
and  Mississippi  is  all  alluvial  and  a  few  hours'  rain  ren 
ders  the  roads  impassable  to  artillery,  but  fortunately 
the  weather  was  good  and  all  our  forces  reached  their 
appointed  places  on  time  and  the  result  accomplished  the 
object  without  battle.  The  retreat  of  the  Confederate 
army  was  rapid  and  confused  and  the  effect  was  equal 
to  a  victory.  Grant  now  has  a  well  appointed  army  at 
Oxford,  Miss.,  with  which  he  will  move  south  as  soon 
as  I  am  in  position  at  Vicksburg.  It  is  very  difficult 
to  keep  up  communications,  as  his  railroad  reaches  the 
Mississippi  at  Columbus,  Ky.,  and  the  river  is  lower  than 
it  was  ever  known  at  this  season,  so  that  navigation  is 
very  difficult.  The  country  is  full  of  guerilla  bands  so 
that  couriers  cannot  be  relied  on  across  the  country  75 
miles.  I  will  try  and  reach  Vicksburg  by  a  certain  date, 
and  will  have  Grant  advised  so  that  though  far  apart 
our  movements  will  be  in  concert.  .  .  . 

These  surrenders  of  Harper's  Ferry,  Mumfordsville, 
and  Hartsville  illustrate  the  danger  of  detachments.  It 
is  idle  to  talk  about  blaming  the  officers.  These  were 
the  very  loudest  in  boasting  of  their  prowess,  and  their 
destruction  don't  cure  the  facts.  All  the  orders  won't 


176  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

stop  it.  Our  people  are  taught  insubordination  and  inde 
pendence,  and  when  confused  and  disordered  their  com 
manders  are  helpless.  .  .  . 

I  will  only  have  one  of  my  old  Divisions,  Morgan  L. 
Smith's,  but  will  rely  much  on  the  enthusiasm  attached 
to  this  peculiar  expedition.  .  .  . 

W.  T.  S. 

MEMPHIS,  Dec.  20th,  1862. 

Dear  Brother :  I  embarked  to-day  on  the  Forest  Queen 
and  will  have  20,000  men  in  boats  by  noon  and  be  off 
for  the  real  South.  At  Helena  I  will  get  about  12,000 
more.  Like  most  of  our  boasts  of  the  "  Myriads  of  the 
northwest  sweeping  away  to  the  Gulf,"  "breaking  the 
back  bone,"  &c.  &c.,  the  great  Mississippi  expedition 
will  be  32,000  men.  Vicksburg  is  well  fortified  and  is 
within  telegraphic  and  railroad  reach  of  Meridian,  Mobile, 
Camp  Moore  and  Grenada,  where  Pemberton  has  30,000 
to  35,000  men.  Therefore  don't  expect  me  to  achieve 
miracles.  Vicksburg  is  not  the  only  thing  to  be  done. 
Grant  is  at  Coffeeville !  (?)  with  say  40,000  men.  He 
expected  me  to  have  the  same  but  they  are  not  here. 
We  can  get  the  Yazoo,  can  front  in  any  and  every  direc 
tion  and  can  take  Vicksburg,  clean  out  the  Yazoo,  capture 
or  destroy  the  fleet  of  enemy's  gunboats  and  transports 
concealed  up  about  Yazoo  city  —  and  do  many  other  use 
ful  things.  Blair  is  down  at  Helena  and  will  doubtless 
form  a  part  of  the  expedition.  He  will  have  a  chance 
of  catching  the  Elephant  by  the  tail  and  get  a  good  lift. 

Of  course  the  pressure  of  this  force  acting  in  concert 
with  Grant  must  produce  good  results.  Even  if  we  don't 
open  the  Mississippi,  by  the  way  an  event  not  so  impor 
tant  as  at  first  sight,  until  the  great  armies  of  the  enemy 
are  defeated  —  we  are  progressing.  I  wish  Burnside  and 


OUR   "PAPER"   ARMY  177 

Eosecrans  were  getting  along  faster,  but  I  suppose  they 
encounter  the  same  troubles  we  all  do.  .  .  . 

The  great  evil  is  absenteeism,  which  is  real  desertion 
and  should  be  punished  with  death.  Of  course  I  would 
have  the  wounded  and  sick  well  cared  for,  but  the  sick 
list  real  and  feigned  is  fearful.  More  than  one-half  the 
paper  army  is  not  in  the  enemy's  country  and  whilst  the 
actual  regiments  present  for  duty  are  in  arrears  of  pay 
and  favor,  sick  and  discharged  men  are  carefully  paid 
and  provided  for.  Unite  with  others  and  discriminate 
in  favor  of  the  officers  and  soldiers  who  are  with  their 
companies.  The  "  absent  and  sick  "  should  receive  half 
pay  because  of  the  advantages  they  receive  of  fine  hos 
pitals  and  quiet  residence  at  home.  The  "  absent  with 
out  leave  "  should  be  treated  as  deserters  and  in  no  event 
receive  a  dollar's  pay  —  clothing  or  anything  else.  In 
course  of  time  we  may  get  an  army.  Finance  is  very 
important  but  no  use  of  discussing  that  now;  we  must 
fight  it  out  if  it  devastates  the  land  and  costs  every 
cent  of  the  North.  .  .  . 

I  rise  at  3  A.M.  to  finish  up  necessary  business  and  as 
usual  write  in  haste.  ...  I  am  very  popular  with  the 
people  here  and  officers  and  indeed  with  all  my  men.  I 
don't  seek  popularity  with  the  "  sneaks  and  absentees  " 
or  the  "  Dear  People."  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

WASHINGTON,  January  2d,  1863. 

My  Dear  Brother:  We  are  watching  with  the  most 
eager  interest  the  progress  of  your  expedition.  We  all 
hope  its  success  will  brighten  the  gloom  cast  by  opera 
tions  here.  If  the  Mississippi  can  only  be  opened  and 
Texas  and  Arkansas  detached  it  will  be  a  gleam  of  hope 


178  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

by  which  I  can  see  the  end  of  the  war.  Without  an  out 
let  to  the  South  and  West  and  with  such  a  blockade  as 
we  can  easily  keep  up,  the  Southern  Confederacy  cannot 
exist.  This  will  settle  the  cotton  question,  for  Texas 
and  Arkansas  can  with  the  free  labor  that  can  easily  be 
thrown  there  grow  enough  cotton  for  the  world  —  an 
other  ground  of  hope.  Banks  and  yourself  I  regard  as 
the  best  officers  we  have.  .  .  . 

I  have  always  believed  in  you  even  when  you  were 
under  a  cloud.  If  you  and  Banks  can  act  harmoniously 
and  actively  together  you  are  able  to  do  more  than  any 
two  men  in  the  continent. 

By  the  way,  Banks  is  a  reserved  man,  not  from  pride 
or  over  self-confidence,  but  from  the  defects  of  a  limited 
education  and  from  a  sensitiveness  this  unnecessarily 
gives  him.  The  more  you  know  him  the  better  you  will 
like  him.  He  and  I  are  warm  friends.  We  became  early 
attached  in  his  famous  contest  for  speaker  when  I  first 
entered  Congress.  Although  new  in  political  life,  I  stuck 
to  him  when  his  prospects  were  dark,  and  ever  since  then 
there  has  been  a  sincere  friendship  between  us,  although 
we  have  not  often  met.  This  feeling  I  know  will  warm 
him  towards  you,  and  his  abilities  will  excite  your  re 
spect.  I  write  this  in  anticipation  of  your  meeting  and 
having  to  co-operate  with  him.  .  .  . 

This  Government  has  to  be  maintained  and  I  now 
look  to  you  and  Banks  as  the  "  men  of  promise."  I  do 
not  favor  the  Bankrupt  Law  as  you  suppose,  and  I  can't 
conceive  how  you  got  that  idea  unless  because  I  pre 
sented  petitions.  I  am  occasionally  asked  for  letters  to 
you.  I  generally  decline,  except  where  refusal  would 
wound  a  valued  friend. 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 


DETAILS   OF  THE   VICKSBUEG  ATTACK       179 

STEAMER  FOREST  QUEEN,  Jan.  6,  1863. 
Dear  Brother :  You  will  have  heard  of  our  attack  on 
Vicksburg  and  failure  to  succeed.  The  place  is  too 
strong,  and  without  the  co-operation  of  a  large  army 
coming  from  the  interior  "it  is  impracticable.  Innumer 
able  batteries  prevent  the  approach  of  gun  boats  to  the 
city  or  to  the  first  bluff  up  the  Yazoo,  and  the  only 
landing  between  is  on  an  insular  space  of  low  boggy 
ground,  with  innumerable  bayous  or  deep  sloughs.  I 
did  all  that  was  possible  to  reach  the  main  land,  but 
was  met  at  every  point  by  batteries  and  rifle  pits  that 
we  could  not  pass,  and  in  the  absence  of  Gen.  Grant's 
co-operating  force  I  was  compelled  to  re-embark  my 
command.  My  report  to  Gen.  Grant,  a  copy  of  which  I 
sent  to  Gen.  Halleck,  who  will  let  you  see  it,  is  very 
full,  and  more  than  I  could  write  to  you  with  propriety. 
Whatever  you  or  the  absent  may  think,  not  a  soldier  or 
officer  who  was  present  but  will  admit  I  pushed  the 
attack  as  far  as  prudence  would  justify,  and  that  I 
re-embarked  my  command  in  the  nick  of  time,  for  a 
heavy  rain  set  in  which  would  have  swamped  us  and 
made  it  impossible  to  withdraw  artillery  and  stores. 
Up  to  that  time  I  was  acting  as  the  right  wing  of  Gen. 
Grant's  army ;  but  Gen.  McClernand  has  arrived,  and  we 
now  have  a  new  organization,  —  McClernand  command 
ing  the  whole,  and  our  present  force  divided  into  two 
commands,  or  corps  d'armee,  one  of  which  is  commanded 
by  me  and  one  by  Morgan  of  Cumberland  Gap.  We 
are  now  en  route  for  the  Arkansas.  Up  that  river  about 
50  miles  the  enemy  is  entrenched  and  has  sent  down 
to  the  Mississippi  and  captured  two  steamboats,  con 
veying  to  the  fleets  supplies.  Now  it  is  unwise  to  leave 
such  a  force  on  our  rear  and  flank,  and  inasmuch  as 
General  Grant  is  not  prepared  to  march  down  to  Vicks- 


180  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

burg  by -land,  we  can  attack  this  post  of  Arkansas  and 
maybe  reach  Little  Rock.  Success  in  this  quarter  will 
have  a  good  effect  on  the  main  river.  But  in  the  end 
Vicksburg  must  be  reduced,  and  it  is  going  to  be  a 
hard  nut  to  crack.  It  is  the  strongest  place  I  ever 
saw,  both  by  nature  and  art;  and  so  far  as  we  could 
observe  it  is  defended  by  a  competent  force  of  artillery, 
infantry  and  cavalry.  Besides  its  railroad  connections 
with  the  interior  give  them  great  advantages.  .  .  . 

My  orders  from  Grant  were  to  leave  Memphis  by  the 
18th,  and  I  got  off  the  20th  and  I  was  exactly  on  time 
to  co-operate  with  Grant.  I  did  not  know  that  he  was 
delayed  by  the  breaking  of  his  railroad  communications 
to  his  rear.  Indeed,  I  supposed  him  to  be  advancing 
south  towards  the  Yazoo  Eiver.  My  entire  force  was 
30,000  and  was  every  man  I  could  raise  at  Memphis 
and  Helena,  and  Grant  and  Halleck  were  fully  advised 
of  my  strength  and  plans.  I  suppose  you  are  now  fully 
convinced  of  the  stupendous  energy  of  the  South  and 
their  ability  to  prolong  this  war  indefinitely,  but  I  am 
further  satisfied  that  if  it  lasts  30  years  we  must  fight 
it  out,  for  the  moment  the  North  relaxes  its  energies  the 
South  will  assume  the  offensive  and  it  is  wonderful  how 
well  disciplined  and  provided  they  have  their  men.  We 
found  everywhere  abundant  supplies,  even  on  the  Yazoo, 
and  all  along  the  river  we  found  cattle,  and  fat  ones, 
feeding  quietly.  The  country  everywhere  abounds  with 
corn,  and  the  soldiers,  though  coarsely,  are  well  clad. 
We  hear  of  the  manufacture  of  all  sorts  of  cloth  and 
munitions  of  war.  The  river  plantations  are  mostly 
abandoned,  and  all  families,  negroes,  stock  and  cotton 
removed  25  miles  back.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


SUPERSEDED  BY  MCCLEENAND  181 

Arkansas  Post  (Fort  Hindman)  was  captured  January 
11,  1863,  and  this  ended  the  expedition  up  the  Arkansas. 

The  letter  of  January  25th  finds  General  Sherman  back 
again  near  Vicksburg. 

NAPOLEON,  ARK., 

STEAMER  FOREST  QUEEN, 

Jan.  17,  1863. 

Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  The  gun  boats  were  handled  beau 
tifully,  and  without  them  we  should  have  had  hard  work, 
with  them  it  was  easy.  Our  entire  loss  will  be  less  than 
1000.  We  took  5000  prisoners,  killed  and  wounded 
some  500,  took  16  guns,  ammunition,  corn  and  wagons, 
mules  and  all  sorts  of  traps  of  which  you  will  hear 
enough.  My  official  report  is  in,  will  go  up  to  Grant  at 
Memphis  to-morrow  and  right  on  to  Washington.  Hal- 
leek  will  let  you  see  it,  and  you  can  understand  the  whole 
thing  by  a  glance  at  the  maps  I  send  along.  But  Mc- 
Clernand's  reports  will  precede  it  and  of  course  will  be 
the  accepted  history.  .  .  . 

On  the  supposition  that  Banks  will  have  taken  Fort 
Hudson  and  reached  Vicksburg,  we  start  back  for  that 
place  to-morrow.  Of  ourselves  we  cannot  take  Vicks 
burg.  With  Banks  and  a  fleet  below  us  and  a  fleet 
above,  we  may  make  a  desperate  attempt,  but  Vicksburg 
is  as  strong  as  Gibraltar,  and  is  of  vital  importance  to 
the  cause  of  the  South.  Of  course  they  will  fight  des 
perately  for  it.  We  must  do  the  same,  for  all  are  con 
scious  that  the  real  danger  of  the  war,  anarchy  among 
our  people,  begins  to  dawn.  The  people  of  the  North 
mistake  widely  if  they  suppose  they  can  have  peace  now 
by  opposing  this  war.  .  .  . 

Mr.  Lincoln  intended  to  insult  me  and  the  military 
profession  by  putting  McClernand  over  me,  and  I  would 
have  quietly  folded  up  my  things  and  gone  to  St.  Louis, 


182  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

only  I  know  in  times  like  these  all  must  submit  to  insult 
and  infamy  if  necessary.  The  very  moment  I  think 
some  other  is  at  hand  to  take  my  corps  I'll  slide  out.  .  .  . 
I  hope  the  politicians  will  not  interfere  with  Halleck. 
You  have  driven  off  McClellan,  and  is  Burnside  any 
better  ?  Buell  is  displaced.  Is  Eosecrans  any  faster  ? 
His  victory  at  Murfreesboro  is  dearly  bought.  Let  Hal 
leck  alone,  and  if  things  don't  go  to  your  liking  don't 
charge  it  to  men  but  to  the  condition  of  things.  Human 
power  is  limited,  and  you  cannot  appreciate  the  difficulty 
of  moulding  into  an  homogeneous  machine  the  discordant 
elements  which  go  to  make  up  our  armies.  A  thousand 
dollars  a  day  would  not  pay  me  for  the  trouble  of  man 
aging  a  volunteer  army.  I  never  dreamed  of  so  severe 
a  test  of  my  patriotism  as  being  superseded  by  McCler- 
nand,  and  if  I  can  keep  down  my  tamed  (?)  spirit  and 
live  I  will  claim  a  virtue  higher  than  Brutus.  I  rarely 
see  a  newspaper  and  am  far  behind  the  times,  indeed, 
am  not  conscious  that  a  Congress  sits,  though  I  know  it 
must.  Do  think  of  the  army  and  try  and  give  us  the 
means  to  maintain  discipline,  prevent  desertion,  pillage 
and  absenteeism.  Under  the  present  system  of  mere 
threats  and  no  punishment,  our  armies  melt  away  like 
snow  before  the  sun.  I  doubt  if  Burnside,  Kosecrans, 
Grant  and  Curtis  now  have,  all  combined,  300,000  in 
their  front  ranks.  This  army,  30,000  a  month  ago, 
though  reinforced  by  2400  men,  is  now  down  to  24,000, 
though  we  have  lost  only  2500  in  battle  —  sickness  and 
detachments  make  a  perfect  stream  to  the  rear.  Blair 
has  a  brigade  in  my  corps  and  sees  now  the  practices  of 
war  as  contrasted  with  its  theory,  and  could  give  some 
useful  hints  on  these  points. 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


NO  NEWS  FROM  BANKS  183 

CAMP  NEAR  VICKSBURG,  Jan.  25,  1863. 

Dear  Brother :  I  received  yours  of  Jan.  2,  to-day,  and 
being  in  camp  with  some  leisure  hasten  to  answer.  I 
shall  be  glad  to  meet  Gen.  Banks  on  many  accounts, 
because  of  his  known  intelligence  and  high  character 
and  because  we  have  been  long  expecting  him.  I  was 
hurried  down  the  river  with  positive  orders  to  get  away 
from  Memphis  December  18,  to  co-operate  with  Grant  to 
come  down  by  land  and  Banks  to  ascend  the  river.  I 
was  on  time  and  made  every  effort  to  carry  Vicksburg, 
but  unsuccessfully.  Hearing  nothing  from  Banks  or 
Grant,  and  being  superseded  by  McClernand,  I  proposed 
that  we  should  go  to  the  Arkansas  and  attack  the  Post 
from  which  the  enemy  threatened  our  rear  and  line 
of  communications.  We  succeeded  perfectly  there,  and 
General  Grant  came  down  and  met  us  at  Napoleon  and 
hurried  us  back  to  Vicksburg,  on  the  theory  that  Banks 
might  be  here,  disappointed  at  our  non-appearance. 

So  here  we  are  again,  but  not  a  word  of  Banks.  This 
time  instead  of  landing  up  the  Yazoo  we  have  landed  on 
the  Louisiana  side  and  I  occupy  a  neck  of  low  ground 
enclosed  with  a  high  levee  directly  in  front  of  Vicksburg. 
Last  summer  when  Vicksburg  was  invested  by  our  troops 
from  below  a  canal  was  dug  across  a  narrow  neck  with 
the  purpose  of  turning  the  river  so  as  to  leave  Vicksburg 
out  in  the  cold.  The  river  is  now  rising  rapidly  and 
already  fills  the  canal,  which  however  is  a  narrow  ditch 
—  the  water  flows  across  it,  but  thus  far  it  shows  no 
symptoms  of  cutting  a  channel,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
threatens  to  overflow  the  low  ground  embraced  in  the 
levee.  All  my  soldiers  are  busy  day  and  night  in  throw 
ing  up  a  levee  on  the  inside  of  this  canal  to  prevent  the 
water  overflowing  us.  My  right  extends  along  the  levee 
below  Vicksburg,  and  I  have  some  guns  below,  which 


184  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

will  prevent  the  enemy's  boats  coming  up  to  town. 
Since  I  broke  the  railroad  leading  west  most  of  the 
necessary  supplies  to  Vicksburg  have  come  from  Red 
River  by  water,  and  we  now  stop  this ;  but  as  they  hold 
Port  Hudson,  preventing  Banks  coming  up,  and  Vicks 
burg  prevents  our  boats  going  down,  they  hold  substan 
tially  a  long  reach  of  the  river  embracing  the  mouth 
of  Red  River.  Last  night  my  extreme  right  brigade, 
Blair's,  captured  a  ferry  boat  which  came  in  for  wood, 
not  suspecting  our  presence.  So  we  have  also  our  boat 
below  Vicksburg  —  I  have  not  much  faith  in  the  canal. 
It  starts  after  the  current  has  been  turned,  and  I  doubt 
if  the  canal  will  draw  in  a  volume  and  depth  of  water 
sufficient  to  cut  a  new  channel,  and  if  it  do  the  enemy 
will  simply  shift  his  guns  to  Warrenton,  a  point  on  the 
same  range  of  hills,  below  the  mouth  of  our  canal  —  at 
last  we  must  attack  the  enemy  in  his  strong  position. 
Outnumbering  us  in  every  sense  in  men,  in  guns,  and 
holding  a  position  stronger  than  Gibraltar.  .  .  . 

We  must  get  on  land  before  we  can  fight.  That  was 
my  attempt  and  the  point  I  chose  is  the  only  one  between 
Vicksburg  and  Haines  Bluff — we  may  attempt  the  latter, 
and  I  think  it  is  the  safest  place,  but  on  this  side  of^the 
river  we  do  no  good  whatever,  for  the  Mississippi  is  an 
ugly  stream  to  ford  at  this  season  of  the  year. 

Unless  you  enact  a  law  denying  to  all  citizens  between 
the  ages  of  18  and  45  who  do  not  enlist  and  serve  3  years 
faithfully,  all  right  of  suffrage,  or  to  hold  office  after  the 
war  is  over,  you  will  have  trouble.  The  Army  growls  a 
good  deal  at  the  apathy  of  the  nation,  at  home  quite 
comfortable  and  happy  yet  pushing  them  forward  on  all 
sorts  of  desperate  expeditions.  Newspapers  can  now 
turn  armies  against  their  leaders.  Every  officer  and  sol 
dier  knows  I  pushed  the  attack  on  Vicksburg  as  far  as 


MILITARY  CONDITION  OF  THE  SOUTH      185 

they  wanted  to  venture,  and  if  others  think  differently, 
they  naturally  say,  Why  not  come  down  and  try  ? .  .  . 

Two  years  have  passed  and  the  rebel  flag  still  haunts 
our  nation's  capital  —  our  armies  enter  the  best  rebel 
territory  and  the  wave  closes  in  behind,  scarcely  leaving 
a  furrow  mark  behind.  The  utmost  we  can  claim  is  that 
our  enemy  respects  our  power  to  do  them  physical  harm 
more  than  they  did  at  first ;  but  as  to  loving  us  any  more, 
it  were  idle  even  to  claim  it.  Our  armies  are  devastating 
the  land  and  it  is  sad  to  see  the  destruction  that  attends 
our  progress  —  we  cannot  help  it.  Farms  disappear, 
houses  are  burned  and  plundered,  and  every  living  ani 
mal  killed  and  eaten.  General  officers  make  feeble  efforts 
to  stay  the  disorder,  but  it  is  idle.  .  .  . 

The  South  abounds  in  corn,  cattle  and  provisions  and 
the  progress  in  manufacturing  shoes  and  cloth  for  the 
soldiers  is  wonderful.  They  are  as  well  supplied  as  we 
and  they  have  an  abundance  of  the  best  cannon,  arms 
and  ammunition.  In  long  range  cannon  they  rather 
excel  us  and  their  regiments  are  armed  with  the  very 
best  Enfield  rifles  and  cartridges,  put  up  at  Glasgow, 
Liverpool  and  their  new  Southern  armories,  and  I  still 
say  they  have  now  as  large  armies  in  the  field  as  we. 
They  give  up  cheerfully  all  they  have.  I  still  see  no 
end  or  even  the  beginning  of  the  end.  .  .  . 

The  early  actors  and  heroes  of  the  war  will  be  swept 
away,  and  those  who  study  its  progress,  its  developments, 
and  divine  its  course  and  destiny  will  be  most  appreci 
ated.  We  are  in  for  the  war,  and  must  fight  it  out,  cost 
what  it  may.  As  to  making  popularity  out  of  it,  it  is 
simply  ridiculous  and  all  who  attempt  it  will  be  swept 
as  chaff  before  the  wind.  .  .  . 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


186  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

WASHINGTON,  D.C.,  Jan.  27,  1863. 

Dear  Brother:  The  pressure  of  official  duties  here 
prevented  my  writing  sooner,  but  I  have  kept  a  watchful 
eye  on  all  your  movements  recently. 

I  have  not  the  slightest  hesitation  in  justifying  every 
movement  you  have  made.  The  newspapers  are  gener 
ally  down  on  you  and  will  command  the  public  atten 
tion  to  your  prejudice,  but  intelligent  persons  do  not  fail 
to  notice  that  not  a  specific  allegation  is  made  against 
you.  The  authorities  sustain  your  actions  throughout. 
This  is  especially  so  as  to  the  Secretary  of  War.  I  read 
your  official  report,  and  was  very  anxious  to  have  it 
published.  It  would  correct  many  errors  and  would  be 
a  complete  justification  and  explanation  of  many  things 
not  understood. 

I  asked  Gen.  Halleck  to  allow  me  to  publish  it.  He 
declined,  unless  the  Secretary  of  War  consented,  and  said 
he  would  submit  my  application  to  the  Secretary.  After 
wards  I  saw  the  Secretary,  and  he  told  me  he  had  directed 
a  copy  of  the  report  to  be  furnished  for  publication. 
I  again  called  at  Halleck's,  and  saw  Gen.  Cullum,  who 
objected  to  the  publication  of  the  report  on  various 
grounds. 

After  a  full  conversation  with  Cullum,  I  supposed  I 
had  satisfied  him  that  it  ought  to  be  published,  and  he 
agreed  to  submit  my  reasons  to  Halleck  and  ask  a 
reconsideration.  This  morning  I  received  a  note  from 
Halleck  stating  that,  as  further  operations  would  occur 
before  Vicksburg,  he  did  not  deem  it  advisable  to  publish 
the  report  at  present.  Thus  the  matter  ends.  Cullum 
stated  to  me  that  there  was  no  officer  of  the  army  who 
did  not  entirely  justify  your  attack  on  Vicksburg  under 
the  circumstances  as  you  supposed  them  to  be.  In  the 
end  you  will  be  justified  in  public  opinion. 


THE  NEWSPAPER   CORRESPONDENTS        187 

Military  affairs  look  dark  here  in  the  army  of  the 
Potomac.  Burnside  is  relieved  and  Hooker  is  in  com 
mand.  The  entire  army  seems  demoralized.  Perhaps 
when  it  is  ready  to  move  it  may  be  all  right.  A  cer 
tain  amount  of  dissatisfaction  always  will  exist  in  an 
army.  I  was  very  glad  to  notice  that  you  were  popular 
with  and  had  the  confidence  of  your  men.  This  is  the 
case  with  but  few  officers.  I  deeply  pity  Porter.1  .  .  . 

If  we  recover  from  the  folly  of  legislators  and  the 
quarrels  of  our  generals,  it  will  be  evidence  of  vitality, 
remarkable  in  the  history  of  any  nation.  I  believe  we 
shall  survive  all  these  dangers,  and  I  agree  with  you  that 
no  course  is  left  for  us  but  to  fight  it  out.  I  cannot 
respect  some  of  the  constituted  authorities,  yet  I  will 
cordially  support  and  aid  them  while  they  are  authorized 
to  administer  the  government.  Pray  write  me  as  often 
as  you  can. 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS,  15TH  ARMY  CORPS, 
CAMP  BEFORE  VICKSBURG,  Feb.    ,  1863.2 
Dear  Brother : 

I  now  know  the  secret  of  this  last  tirade  against  me 
personally. 

Of  course  newspaper  correspondents  regard  me  as  the 
enemy  of  their  class.  I  announced  that  all  such  accom 
panying  the  expedition  were  and  should  be  treated  as 
spies.  They  are  spies  because  their  publications  reach 
the  enemy,  give  them  direct  and  minute  information 
of  the  composition  of  our  forces,  and  while  invariably 
they  puff  up  their  patrons,  they  pull  down  all  others. 
Thus  this  man  Knox,  dating  his  paper  upon  the  Steamer 

1  Fitz-John  Porter.  2  Date  uncertain. 


188  THE  SHEEMAN  LETTERS 

Continental,  the  headquarters  of  Generals  Steele  and 
Blair,  gives  to  these  general  officers  and  their  division 
undue  praise,  and  libels  and  abuses  all  others.  This  not 
only  plays  into  the  hands  of  our  enemies  by  sowing 
dissensions  among  us,  but  it  encourages  discontent  among 
the  officers  who  find  themselves  abused  by  men  seem 
ingly  under  the  influence  of  officers  high  in  command. 
I  caused  Knox's  communication  to  be  read  to  him, 
paragraph  by  paragraph,  and  then  showed  him  my  in 
structions,  by  my  orders  made  at  the  time,  and  the 
official  reports  of  others,  and  how  wide  he  was  of  the 
truth.  And  now  I  have  asked  his  arrest  and  trial  by 
General  Grant,  on  charges  as  a  spy  and  informer.  The 
57th  Article  of  war,  which  is  a  Law  of  Congress,  is  as 
follows :  "  Who  shall  be  convicted  of  holding  correspon 
dence  with,  or  giving  intelligence  to  the  enemy,  either 
directly  or  indirectly,  shall  suffer  death,  &c."  I  will 
endeavor  to  bring  in  all  the  facts,  by  means  of  the 
evidence  of  officers  who  took  part  in  all  these  events. 
My  purpose  is  not  to  bring  Knox  to  death  or  other 
severe  punishment,  but  I  do  want  to  establish  the  prin 
ciple  that  citizens  shall  not,  against  the  orders  of  the 
competent  military  superior,  attend  a  military  expedition, 
report  its  proceedings,  and  comment  on  its  officers.  .  .  . 
Affectionately  your  Brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

In  the  above  letter  to  John  Sherman,  General  Sherman 
enclosed  the  following  copy  of  General  Orders  No.  67, 
in  regard  to  the  giving  of  intelligence  to  the  enemy,  to 
gether  with  his  own  comments  upon  them. 

GENERAL  ORDERS  No.  67. 

By  the  57th  Article  of  the  Act  of  Congress  entitled  an 
Act  for  establishing  Kules  and  Articles  for  the  Govern- 


INFLUENCE  OF  THE  PBESS  189 

inent  of  the  Armies  of  the  United  States  approved  April 
10,  1806,  "  Holding  correspondence  with,  or  giving  intelli 
gence  to  the  enemy  either  directly  or  indirectly  is  made 
punishable  by  death  or  such  other  punishment  as  shall  be 
ordered  by  the  sentence  of  a  Court  Martial.  Public  safety 
requires  strict  enforcement  of  this  article.  It  is  there 
fore  ordered  that  all  correspondence  and  communication, 
verbally  or  by  writing,  printing,  or  telegraphing,  respect 
ing  operations  of  the  Army,  or  military  movements  on 
land  or  water,  or  respecting  the  troops,  camps,  arsenals, 
intrenchments,  or  military  affairs  within  the  several  mili 
tary  districts  by  which  intelligence  shall  be  directly  or 
indirectly  given  to  the  enemy,  without  the  authority  and 
sanction  of  the  General  in  command,  be  and  the  same  are 
absolutely  prohibited,  and  from  and  after  the  date  of 
this  order,  persons  violating  the  same  will  be  proceeded 
against  under  the  57th  Article  of  War."  By  order  L. 
Thomas,  Adjt.-G-eneral. 

.  .  .  Now,  to  every  army  and  almost  every  general  a 
newspaper  reporter  goes  along,  filling  up  our  transports, 
swelling  our  trains,  reporting  our  progress,  guessing  at 
places,  picking  up  dropped  expressions,  inciting  jealousy 
and  discontent,  and  doing  infinite  mischief.  We  are 
commanded  absolutely  to  proceed  against  them  under 
the  57th  article  of  war.  Shall  the  laws  of  Congress  be 
obeyed?  Shall  the  orders  of  the  War  Department  be 
respected?  Or  shall  the  press  go  on  sweeping  every 
thing  before  it.  ... 

The  press  has  now  killed  McClellan,  Buell,  Fitz-John 
Porter,  Sumner,  Franklin,  and  Burnside.  Add  my  name 
and  I  am  not  ashamed  of  the  association.  If  the  press 
can  govern  the  country,  let  them  fight  the  battles. 


190  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

CAMP  BEFORE  VICKSBURG,  Feb.  12,  1863. 

Dear  Brother :  I  have  hitherto  sent  you  original  papers 
or  copies  to  satisfy  any  one  of  the  falsehood  of  the  at 
tacks  against  me  in  the  late  Vicksburg  matter.  I  had  a 
newspaper  reporter  arrested  and  tried  by  a  court-martial, 
but  by  the  rulings  of  the  court  I  infer  they  are  of  opinion 
that  to  make  the  accused  come  within  the  order  of  the 
War  Department  the  fact  should  be  proven  that  the  very 
substance  of  the  objectionable  matter  went  to  the  enemy. 
I  have  been  unable  to  find  the  identical  matter,  but  in 
every  Southern  paper  I  get  I  find  abundance  of  evidence 
to  show  that  Northern  papers  furnish  the  Southern 
leaders  abundant  and  timely  notice  of  every  movement. 
I  send  you  two  to  show  this  fact.  In  the  Vicksburg 
"Whig"  (?),  at  the  bottom  of  the  last  column  of  the 
first  page  you  will  see  that  it  states  positively  that  a 
correspondent  of  one  of  the  Northern  journals  wrote  in 
advance  of  the  federal  plans  in  the  late  move  on  Vicks 
burg.  Had  they  received  three  days  notice  of  our  com 
ing  to  the  Post  of  Arkansas,  they  could  have  so  reinforced 
that  it  would  have  cost  us  a  siege.  But  then  we  were 
beyond  the  power  of  the  press  and  succeeded.  And  so 
it  must  ever  be.  These  newspaper  correspondents  hang 
ing  about  the  skirts  of  our  army  reveal  all  plans,  and  are 
worth  a  hundred  thousand  men  to  the  enemy.  .  .  . 

I  have  no  faith  in  the  canal  here,  save  we  may  en 
large  it  to  pass  supplies  for  gunboats  below,  which  will 
enable  the  latter  to  keep  supplies  from  Vicksburg,  via 
the  river,  but  we  in  no  wise  threatened  Vicksburg,  for 
the  bluffs  extended  many  miles  below  the  outlet  of  the 
canal.  The  river  is  bank  full  and  threatens  to  overflow 
our  camps  —  but  I  have  more  faith  in  the  efforts  above 
at  Yazoo  Pass  and  Lake  Providence.  The  former  may 
admit  us  to  the  Yazoo  from  above  and  the  latter  may 


THE   WAR  AND  A  FREE  PRESS  191 

open  a  channel  down  the  Tensas  to  Bed,  or  by  Atcha- 
falaya  below  Port  Hudson.  If  Banks  had  orders  to 
meet  me  at  Vicksburg  on  Christmas  he  has  been  slow  of 
execution,  for  I  cannot  hear  that  he  has  even  felt  of 
Port  Hudson.  At  all  events  we  have  not  heard  from 
him  save  via  New  York.  Grant  is  now  up  at  Lake  Prov 
idence,  McClernand  and  my  corps  are  here  in  sight  of 
Vicksburg,  but  the  great  Mississippi  flows  between  us. 
Affectionately  your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

CAMP  BEFORE  VICKSBURG,  Feb.  18,  1863. 

My  Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  We  have  reproached  the  South 
for  arbitrary  conduct  in  coercing  their  people  —  at  last 
we  find  we  must  imitate  their  example.  We  have  de 
nounced  their  tyranny  in  filling  their  armies  with  con 
scripts,  and  now  we  must  follow  her  example.  We  have 
denounced  their  tyranny  in  suppressing  freedom  of  speech 
and  the  press,  and  here  too  in  time  we  must  follow  their 
example.  The  longer  it  is  deferred  the  worse  it  becomes. 
Who  gave  notice  of  McDowell's  movement  on  Manassas, 
and  enabled  Johnston  so  to  reinforce  Beauregard  that  our 
army  was  defeated?  The  press.  Who  gave  notice  of 
the  movement  on  Vicksburg?  The  press.  Who  has 
prevented  all  secret  combinations  and  movements  against 
our  enemy  ?  The  press.  .  .  . 

In  the  South  this  powerful  machine  was  at  once 
scotched  and  used  by  the  rebel  government,  but  at  the 
North  was  allowed  to  go  free.  What  are  the  results  ? 
After  arousing  the  passions  of  the  people  till  the  two 
great  sections  hate  each  other  with  a  hate  hardly  paral 
leled  in  history,  it  now  begins  to  stir  up  sedition  at 
home,  and  even  to  encourage  mutiny  in  our  armies. 
What  has  paralyzed  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  ?  Mutual 


192  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

jealousies  kept  alive  by  the  press.  What  has  enabled 
the  enemy  to  combine  so  as  to  hold  Tennessee  after  we 
have  twice  crossed  it  with  victorious  armies  ?  What 
defeats  and  will  continue  to  defeat  our  best  plans  here 
and  elsewhere  ?  The  press.  I  cannot  pick  up  a  paper 
but  tells  of  our  situation  here,  in  the  mud,  sickness,  and 
digging  a  canal  in  which  we  have  little  faith.  But  our 
officers  attempt  secretly  to  cut  two  other  channels  —  one 
into  Yazoo  by  an  old  pass  and  one  through  Lake  Provi 
dence  into  Tensas,  Black,  Eed,  &c.,  whereby  we  ceuld 
turn  not  only  Vicksburg,  Port  Hudson,  but  also  Grand 
(Gulf),  Natchez,  Ellis  Cliff,  Fort  Adams  and  all  the 
strategic  points  on  the  main  river,  and  the  busy  agents 
of  the  press  follow  up  and  proclaim  to  the  world  the 
whole  thing,  and  instead  of  surprising  our  enemy  we 
find  him  felling  trees  and  blocking  passages  that  would 
without  this  have  been  in  our  possession,  and  all  the  real 
effects  of  surprise  are  lost.  I  say  with  the  press  unfet 
tered  as  now  we  are  defeated  to  the  end  of  time.  'Tis 
folly  to  say  the  people  must  have  news.  Every  soldier 
can  and  does  write  to  his  family  and  friends,  and  all 
have  ample  opportunities  for  so  doing,  and  this  pretext 
forms  no  good  reason  why  agents  of  the  press  should 
reveal  prematurely  all  our  plans  and  designs.  We  can 
not  prevent  it.  Clerks  of  steamboats,  correspondents  in 
disguise  or  openly  attend  each  army  and  detachment, 
and  presto!  appear  in  Memphis  and  St.  Louis  minute 
accounts  of  our  plans  and  designs.  These  reach  Vicks 
burg  by  telegraph  from  Hernando  and  Holly  Springs 
before  we  know  of  it.  The  only  two  really  successful 
military  strokes  out  here  have  succeeded  because  of  the 
absence  of  newspapers,  or  by  throwing  them  off  the  trail. 
Halleck  had  to  make  a  simulated  attack  on  Columbus  to 
prevent  the  press  giving  notice  of  his  intended  move 


THE  CONSCRIPT  BILL  193 

against  Forts  Henry  and  Donelson.  We  succeeded  in 
reaching  the  Post  of  Arkansas  before  the  correspondents 
could  reach  the  papers. 

Affectionately, 

SHERMAN. 

During  this  time  John  Sherman  writes  to  his  brother, 
urging  him  to  be  more  moderate  in  his  dealings  with  the 
newspaper  men,  and  protesting  against  his  threats  of 
retiring,  which  have  given  him  grave  concern. 

CAMP  BEFORE  VICKSBURG,  March  14,  '63. 
Dear  Brother  : 

The  Conscript  Bill  is  all  even  I  could  ask,  it  is  the 
first  real  step  toward  war.  And  if  Mr.  Lincoln  will  now 
use  the  power  thus  conferred,  ignore  popular  clamor 
and  do  as  near  right  as  he  can,  we  may  at  last  have 
an  army  somewhat  approximating  the  vast  undertak 
ing  which  was  begun  in  utter,  blind,  wilful  ignorance 
of  the  difficulties  and  dangers  that  we  were  forced  to 
encounter.  .  .  . 

I  have  been  much  pleased  with  your  course  in  Con 
gress,  and  regret  that  anything  I  have  done  or  may  do 
has  given  you  trouble  or  concern.  I  could  easily  have 
been  popular,  as  I  believe  I  am  with  my  own  command, 
by  courting  the  newspaper  men ;  but  it  does  go  hard  to 
know  that  our  camps  are  full  of  spies  revealing  our  most 
secret  steps,  conveying  regularly  to  the  enemy  our  every 
act,  when  a  thousand  dollars  won't  procure  us  a  word 
of  information  from  Vicksburg.  I  know  the  press  has 
defeated  us,  and  will  continue  to  do  it,  and  as  an  honest 
man  I  cannot  natter  them.  I  know  they  will  ruin  me, 
but  they  will  ruin  the  country  too.  .  .  . 

Napoleon  himself  would  have  been  defeated  with  a 


194  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

free  press.  But  I  will  honestly  try  to  be  patient,  though 
I  know  in  this,  as  in  other  matters,  time  must  bring  about 
its  true  result,  just  as  the  summer  ripens  the  fruits  of 
the  season.  .  .  . 

My  corps  is  alone  here  at  the  neck  opposite  Vicksburg, 
fighting  off  the  water  of  the  Mississippi  which  threatens 
to  drown  us.  Grant  is  here  on  board  a  boat  and  Admiral 
Porter  at  the  mouth  of  Yazoo. 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

And  on  March  20,  1863,  John  Sherman  writes  from 
his  home  in  Mansfield,  Ohio :  — 

Dear  Brother :  I  am  at  length  at  home  with  sufficient 
leisure  to  think,  but  still  somewhat  jaded  from  a  very 
laborious  session.  When  I  went  into  the  Senate  I  an 
ticipated  quiet  and  dignified  leisure  with  ample  time  to 
read,  reflect  and  study  such  grave  questions  of  politics  as 
I  chose  to  turn  my  attention  to.  Such  thus  far  has  not 
been  my  experience.  The  vast  and  complicated  legisla 
ture  required  by  war,  demands  of  Senators  an  amount 
of  labor  in  committees  never  before  given.  The  Senate 
has  become  a  laborious  committee  where  bills  are  drawn 
as  well  as  discussed.  It  has  so  happened  that  although 
a  junior  yet  I  have  had  to  carry  the  most  important 
financial  bills,  such  as  the  Bank  Loan  and  Tax  Bills, 
subjects  full  of  difficulty  and  detail.  .  .  . 

The  laws  passed  at  the  last  session  will  be  a  monu 
ment  of  evil  or  of  good.  They  cover  such  vast  sums, 
delegate  and  regulate  such  vast  powers,  and  are  so  far- 
reaching  in  their  effects,  that  generations  will  be  affected 
well  or  ill  by  them.  These  measures  are  distinguished 
as  much  by  what  were  omitted  as  by  what  were  adopted. 
The  negro  was  not  legislated  upon.  The  laws  of  con- 


THE  BANK  AND  CONSCRIPTION  LAWS      195 

fiscation,  emancipation,  &c.,  were  left  precisely  upon  the 
basis  of  previous  laws,  the  proclamations  of  the  Presi 
dent  and  ultimate  decisions  of  the  courts.  The  arming 
and  employment  of  negroes  is  left  upon  the  old  law  and 
mainly  to  the  discretion  of  the  President.  There  was 
but  little  speech-making  and  that  mainly  to  the  matter 
in  hand.  The  Union  or  rather  Republican  members 
made  scarcely  a  political  speech  in  either  house.  They 
felt  too  constantly  the  pressure  of  practical  measures 
demanding  action.  On  the  whole,  the  recent  Congress 
may  fairly  appeal  to  their  constituents  for  a  favorable 
judgment  upon  the  general  aggregate  of  their  acts.  For 
myself,  I  do  not  reproach  myself  with  any  glaring  fault. 
I  opposed  arbitrary  arrests,  general  confiscation,  the 
destruction  of  State  lines  and  other  extreme  measures, 
and  thereby  have  lost  the  confidence  of  some  of  my  old 
friends.  On  the  other  hand,  I  have  taken  my  full  share 
in  framing  and  supporting  other  great  measures  that 
have  proved  a  success,  and  think  I  may  fairly  claim 
credit  for  many  of  the  most  valuable  features  of  our 
financial  system,  which  has  been  wonderfully  sustained 
under  enormous  expenditure.  I  can  also  claim  the  pa 
ternity  of  the  Bank  Law  yet  to  be  tested  by  experience, 
and  for  the  main  features  of  the  Conscription  Law. 
This  latter  law  is  vital  to  our  success,  and  although  it 
was  adopted  with  fear  and  trembling  and  only  after  all 
other  expedients  failed,  yet  I  am  confident  it  will  be 
enforced  with  the  general  acquiescence  of  the  people 
and  that  through  it  we  see  the  road  to  peace.  But  after 
all,  Congress  cannot  help  us  out  of  our  difficulties.  It 
may  by  its  acts  and  omissions  prolong  the  war,  but  there 
is  no  solution  to  it  except  through  the  military  forces. 
The  people  have  got  beyond  the  first  danger  of  the  war. 
They  no  longer  underrate  the  power  of  the  Confederates 


196  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

and  no  longer  expect  a  short  or  holiday  war.  When 
coming  home  at  Philadelphia,  and  in  the  cars,  and  here 
among  plain  people  I  find  a  healthy  feeling.  They  want 
peace.  But  very  few  would  accept  it  on  any  other  terms 
than  the  preservation  of  the  Union.  They  know  very 
well  that  the  South  will  only  yield  to  this  after  being 
thoroughly  whipped,  and  this  has  not  been  done. 

I  am  very  much  rejoiced  that  you  did  not  act  upon 
your  hasty  impressions  about  resigning.  The  history 
of  your  Vicksburg  expedition  is  now  well  understood 
and  you  stand  well  with  all  classes. 

Most  of  the  papers  who  joined  in  the  clamor  against 
you  have  corrected  their  statements.  You  never  lost  the 
confidence  of  the  department  and  especially  of  Stanton 
and  Halleck.  .  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

CAMP  BEFORE  VICKSBURG,  April  3,  '63. 
My  Dear  Brother:  I  received  your  long  letter  from 
Mansfield,  for  which  I  am  much  obliged.  You  certainly 
have  achieved  an  envious  name  in  the  Senate,  and  I  con 
fess  I  am  astonished  at  your  industry  and  acquirements. 
I  readily  understand  how,  in  a  revolution  of  the  magni 
tude  that  now  involves  us  all,  older  men  should  devolve 
on  you  and  the  younger  school  of  men  the  legislation 
and  experiments  necessary  to  meet  a  state  of  facts  so 
different  from  the  common  run  of  events.  The  Finance 
Bill  and  Conscription  Acts  of  the  late  Congress  in  my 
judgment  may  keep  the  management  of  the  affairs  of  the 
nation  in  the  hands  of  the  Constitutional  Government. 
Anything  short  of  them,  the  war  would  have  drifted  out 
of  the  control  of  President  and  Congress.  Now  if  Mr. 
Lincoln  will  assume  the  same  position  that  Davis  did  at 


THE  CORRESPONDENTS  AGAIN  197 

the  outset,  he  can  unite  the  fighting  North  against  the 
fighting  South,  and  numerical  force  systematized  will 
settle  the  war.  I  know  the  impatience  of  the  people, 
but  this  is  one  of  the  lessons  of  war.  People  must  learn 
that  war  is  a  question  of  physical  force  and  courage.  A 
million  of  men  engaged  in  peaceful  pursuits  will  be  van 
quished  by  a  few  thousand  determined  armed  men.  The 
justice  of  the  cause  has  nothing  to  do  with  it.  It  is  a 
question  of  force.  Again  we  are  the  assailants,  and  have 
to  overcome  not  only  an  equal  number  of  determined 
men,  however  wrongfully  engaged,  but  the  natural  obsta 
cles  of  a  most  difficult  country.  .  .  . 

They  [i.e.  newspaper  correspondents]  are  unknown  to 
me,  appear  in  disguise  of  sutlers'  clerks,  cotton  thieves 
and  that  class  of  vultures  that  hang  around  every  army. 
I  never  saw  or  heard  of  Knox  till  he  had  published  his 
falsehoods ;  and  when  I  did  send  for  him,  and  he  admitted 
how  false  he  had  been,  he  enunciated  the  sentiment  that 
his  trade  was  to  collect  news  —  he  must  furnish  reading 
matter  for  sale,  true,  if  possible ;  otherwise,  false.  .  .  . 

It  is  absurd  to  say  these  correspondents  relieve  the 
anxiety  of  parents,  friends,  &c.  My  soldiers  write  con 
stantly  and  receive  immense  numbers  of  letters.  This 
is  right,  and  if  newspapers  will  report  only  local  matters 
and  discuss  matters  within  their  knowledge,  parents  and 
families  would  not  be  kept  half  frantic  with  the  accounts 
of  sickness,  death,  massacres,  &c.,  of  their  children  and 
relatives.  We  have  hundreds  of  visitors  from  every 
quarter  to  examine  our  camps,  because  correspondents 
represented  us  as  all  dying,  when  the  truth  is  no  army 
was  ever  better  provided  for  and  supplied.  We  are 
camped  on  narrow  slips  of  levee  and  ground,  because 
all  else  is  under  water.  To  get  on  dry  ground  we  must 
go  back  to  Memphis  or  Helena.  .  .  . 


198  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

McPherson  is  a  splendid  officer.  Grant  is  honest  and 
does  his  best.  I  will  do  as  ordered.  I  will  suggest 
little,  as  others  talk  of  my  failing  to  take  Vicksburg 
and  I  want  them  to  try  a  hand.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

CAMP  BEFORE  VICKSBURG,  April  10,  1863. 
Dear  Brother: 

Mr.  Dana  is  here.  He  spent  a  few  hours  with  me 
yesterday,  and  I  went  over  with  him  many  of  the  events 
of  the  past  year,  with  the  maps  and  records  with  which  I 
am  well  supplied.  Indeed,  all  look  to  me  for  maps  and 
facts.  Dana  remarked  to  one  of  Grant's  staff  inci 
dentally,  that  he  was  better  pleased  with  me  than  he 
could  possibly  have  expected.  In  the  two  days  he  has 
been  here  he  has  seen  an  illustration  of  the  truth  of 
my  proposition,  which  has  drawn  on  me  such  volumes 
of  abuse.  We  have  had  thousands  of  men  working  by 
night,  putting  batteries  as  close  up  to  Vicksburg  as  pos 
sible,  secretly,  and  in  opening  a  channel  by  which  we  may 
in  high  water  reach  the  river  twenty-five  miles  below 
Vicksburg.  Secrecy  was  essential,  but  the  papers  of 
Memphis  announce  the  whole  fact.  I  know  the  Memphis 
dailies  go  before  daylight  each  day  to  Hernando,  25 
miles,  and  are  telegraphed  to  Vicksburg  by  noon  of  the 
same  day.  Indeed,  the  day  before  yesterday  we  met 
some  Vicksburg  officers,  who  asked  that  I  should  come 
with  a  flag  of  truce  to  discuss  a  point  as  to  exchange 
of  prisoners,  and  as  we  parted,  one,  a  Major  Watts, 
asked  me  not  to  open  our  batteries  (the  secret)  last 
night,  as  he  was  going  to  have  a  party  and  did  not 
want  to  be  disturbed.  , 


OPPOSED   TO   CONSOLIDATION  199 

Nothing  can  prevent  the  fatal  practice,  but  excluding 
all  men  from  our  camp  but  men  who  must  fight.  They 
at  least  have  a  personal  interest  in  what  should  be 
revealed  and  what  concealed.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHEEMAN. 

CAMP  BEFORE  VICKSBTJRG,  April  23,  1863. 
Dear  Brother:  I  have  noticed  in  the  Conscript  Act 
the  clauses  which  empowered  the  President  to  consoli 
date  the  ten  companies  of  a  regiment  into  five,  when  the 
aggregate  was  below  one-half  the  maximum  standard, 
and  to  reduce  the  officers  accordingly.  Had  I  dreamed 
that  this  was  going  to  be  made  universal,  I  should  have 
written  you  and  begged  you  for  the  love  of  our  ruined 
country  to  implore  Lincoln  to  spare  us  this  last  and 
fatal  blow.  Two  years  of  costly  war  have  enabled  the 
North  to  realize  the  fact  that  by  organized  and  dis 
ciplined  armies  alone  can  she  hope  to  restore  the  old 
and  found  a  new  empire.  We  had  succeeded  in  making 
the  skeletons  of  armies,  eliminating  out  of  the  crude 
materials  that  first  came  forth  the  worthless  material, 
and  had  just  begun  to  have  some  good  young  colonels, 
captains,  sergeants  and  corporals.  And  Congress  had 
passed  the  Conscript  Bill,  which  would  have  enabled 
the  President  to  fill  up  these  skeleton  regiments  full 
of  privates  who  soon,  from  their  fellows,  and  with 
experienced  officers,  would  make  an  army  capable  of 
marching  and  being  handled  and  directed.  But  to  rny 
amazement  comes  this  order.  .  .  .  This  is  a  far  worse 
defeat  than  Manassas.  Mr.  Wade,  in  his  report  to 
condemn  McClellan,  gave  a  positive  assurance  to  the 
army  that  henceforth,  instead  of  fighting  with  diminish 
ing  ranks,  we  should  feel  assured  that  the  gaps  made 


200  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

by  the  bullet,  by  disease,  desertion,  &c.,  would  be 
promptly  filled,  whereas  only  such  parts  of  the  Con 
script  Law  as  tend  to  weaken  us  are  enforced,  viz. :  5  per 
cent  for  furlough  and  50  per  cent  of  officers  and  non-com 
missioned  officers  discharged  to  consolidate  regiments. 
Even  Blair  is  amazed  at  this.  He  protests  the  order 
cannot  be  executed,  and  we  should  appeal  to  Mr.  Lincoln, 
whom  he  still  insists  has  no  desire  to  destroy  the  army. 
But  the  order  is  positive  and  I  don't  see  how  we  can 
hesitate.  Grant  started  to-day  down  to  Carthage,  and 
I  have  written  to  him,  which  may  stave  it  off  for  a  few 
days,  but  I  tremble  at  the  loss  of  so  many  young  and 
good  officers,  who  have  been  hard  at  work  for  two  years, 
and  now  that  they  begin  to  see  how  to  take  care  of 
soldiers,  must  be  turned  out.  .  .  . 

If  not  too  late,  do,  for  mercy's  sake,  exhaust  your 
influence  to  stop  this  consolidation  of  regiments.  Fill 
all  the  regiments  with  conscripts,  and  if  the  army  is 
then  too  large  disband  the  regiments  that  prefer  to 
serve  north  of  the  Potomac  and  the  Ohio.  Keep  the 
war  South  at  all  hazards.  If  this  Consolidation  Law 
is  literally  enforced,  and  no  new  draft  is  made,  this 
campaign  is  over.  And  the  outside  world  will  have  a 
perfect  right  to  say  our  Government  is  afraid  of  its  own 

people.  .  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


VI 

The  movement  against  Grand  Gulf  —  John  Sherman  on  the  progress  of 
the  war  —  The  fall  of  Vicksburg  —  Change  of  sentiment  in  regard 
to  General  Sherman  —  His  increasing  popularity  —  Effects  of  the 
reduction  of  Vicksburg  —  The  draft  —  Activity  of  industries  in  spite 
of  war  —  Sherman's  opinion  of  Grant  —  Letter  to  Major  Sawyer  — 
The  ethics  of  warfare  —  The  march  through  Georgia  —  General 
Sherman's  comments  on  the  difficulties  in  his  way  and  the  char 
acter  of  his  accomplishment  —  The  Soldier  Vote  —  Letter  to  Speaker 
Coif  ax  —  John  Sherman  Chairman  of  the  Senate  Finance  Commit 
tee—Special  Field  Order  No.  6 

UP  to  this  time  General  Sherman  had  passed  through 
various  stages  of  popular  misunderstanding  and  criticism, 
but  the  movements  about  Vicksburg  referred  to  in  the 
following  letters  seem  to  have  resulted  in  the  very  gen 
eral  appreciation  throughout  the  country,  of  his  abilities. 
At  this  time  John  Sherman  was  in  Ohio,  much  con 
cerned  at  the  turn  political  affairs  were  taking,  and 
eager  for  military  success  because  of  the  influence  it 
would  have  upon  the  people. 

CAMP  BEFORE  VICKSBURG,  April  26,  1863. 

My  Dear  Brother :  To-morrow  I  start  with  my  corps 
to  bring  up  the  rear  of  the  movement  against  Grand 
Gulf,  and,  maybe,  Jackson,  Miss.  I  feel  in  its  success 
less  confidence  than  in  any  similar  undertaking  of  the 
war,  but  it  is  my  duty  to  co-operate  with  zeal,  and  I  shall 
endeavor  to  do  it.  ... 

Grant  came  down  by  river,  and  his  entire  army,  about 
seventy  thousand,  is  now  near  here,  but  the  whole  coun 
try  is  under  water,  save  little  ribands  of  alluvial  ground 
along  the  main  Mississippi  and  all  parallel  bayous. 
One  month  ago  my  proposition  was  to  fall  back  upon 

201 


202  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

our  original  plan,  modified  by  the  fact  that  Yazoo  Eiver 
could  be  entered  by  its  head  and  could  be  used  as  far 
down  as  Greenwood,  which  is  the  mouth  of  Yolo- 
busha.  If  our  gunboats  could  have  passed  that  point, 
a  real  substantial  advantage  would  have  been  gained, 
for  it  would  have  enabled  the  army  to  pass  the  Yolo- 
busha,  whereas  now  it  is  a  serious  obstacle  like  the 
Rappahannock,  and  will  have  to  be  fought  for.  .  .  . 

McClernand's  corps  marched  from  Milliken's  Bend 
along  a  narrow  road  to  Carthage.  McPherson  has  fol 
lowed,  and  I  start  to-morrow.  Sixty  thousand  men  will 
thus  be  on  a  single  road,  narrow,  crooked,  and  liable  to 
become  a  quagmire  on  the  occurrence  of  a  single  rain. 
We  hope  to  carry  ten  days7  rations  with  us.  Seven 
iron-clad  gunboats  and  seven  transports  have  run  the 
Vicksburg  batteries;  with  these  we  can  reach  Grand 
Gulf  below  the  mouth  of  Black  River,  whence  there  is 
a  road  to  Raymond  sixty -five  miles,  and  Jackson.  The 
destruction  of  this  road  isolates  Vicksburg.  Now  if  we 
can  sustain  the  army  it  may  do,  but  I  know  the  mate 
rials  or  food,  forage  or  ammunition,  cannot  be  conveyed 
on  that  single  precarious  road.  Grant  has  been  open 
ing  a  canal  from  the  Mississippi  to  Willow  Bayou, 
three  miles,  and  Willow  Bayou  roundaway  and  Bayou 
Vidal  form  a  connected  channel  for  forty-seven  miles, 
terminating  at  Carthage,  but  it  is  crooked,  narrow, 
and  full  of  trees.  Large  working  parties  are  em 
ployed  in  removing  trees,  but  at  best  it  is  only  calcu 
lated  that  it  can  be  used  by  scows  drawn  by  small  steam 
tugs.  It  is  not  even  contemplated  that  the  smallest 
transports  can  navigate  it.  The  canal  itself  is  far  from 
being  done.  I  went  through  it  yesterday  in  a  small 
boat,  and  estimate  it  will  take  one  month  to  give  it 
eight  feet  of  water  with  the  present  stage,  but  the  water 


MOVING  AGAINST  VICKSBUBG  203 

in  the  river  is  now  falling  rapidly.  We  count  on  an 
other  rise  in  June  from  the  Missouri,  but  these  rises  are 
accidental  and  may  or  not  come.  The  great  difficulty 
will  be  to  support  an  army  operating  from  Grand 
Gulf.  .  .  . 

Between  the  two  choices  open  to  him  I  far  prefer 
Grenada.  One  is  sure  and  natural,  the  other  is  difficult 
and  hazardous  in  the  extreme.  There  is  no  national  or 
political  reason  why  this  army  should  be  forced  to 
undertake  unnecessary  hazard.  It  is  far  in  advance  of 
Hooker,  Eosecrans,  or  Curtis.  We  have  done  far  more 
than  either  of  these  armies,  but  have  encountered  more 
calumny  and  abuse  than  all.  .  .  . 

Banks  is  afraid  even  to  attempt  Port  Hudson,  and 
from  all  I  can  hear  is  more  likely  to  be  caged  up  in  New 
Orleans  than  to  assist  us  against  Vicksburg.   .   .  . 
Affectionately  your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  May  7,  1863. 

My  Dear  Brother:  We  have  been  eagerly  watching 
the  course  of  military  events.  Here  nothing  occurs 
worth  noting.  If  there  is  any  change,  it  is  for  the 
better.  The  tone  of  popular  opinion  is  more  patriotic. 
There  are  fewer  noisy  Butternuts,  and  most  of  these 
think  their  bad  talk  is  only  fair  opposition  to  the  admin 
istration.  The  only  danger  is  that  this  will  become 
downright  opposition,  resistance  to  the  war  and  the  laws 
where  mobs  and  civil  war  will  be  the  inevitable  result. 
A  good  many  scary  people  are  afraid  of  this,  but  I  am 
too  well  accustomed  to  violent  political  quarrels  to  look 
for  danger  from  them.  There  may  be  occasional  mobs, 
as  there  were  the  other  day  at  Fort  Wayne,  where  I  made 
a  speech,  but  both  parties  pledged  themselves  to  the 


204  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

war  and  only  differed  about  the  "nigger"  and  adminis 
tration  measures.  The  difference  may  widen,  and  unless 
we  have  decided  military  success,  will  widen  until  we 
have  open  and  hostile  war  and  peace  parties.  Then 
God  knows  what  will  be  the  result.  One  tendency  I 
noticed.  Nearly  every  man  in  debt  is  paying  off  his 
debts.  The  inflation  of  the  currency  and  the  rise  of 
property  make  this  easy.  Unluckily  for  me,  most  of  my 
means  is  or  was  "in  bills  receivable."  These  are  paid, 
or  will  be,  and  so  I  find  myself  with  plenty  of  money, 
but  can't  buy  anything  at  reasonable  prices.  This  is 
the  general  rule  of  creditors,  and  perhaps  it  is  better  so 
for  the  community,  as  the  creditor  class  can  more  easily 
bear  the  loss  of  inflation.  There  is  nothing  in  the  con 
dition  at  all  discouraging  except  our  military  condition. 
This  I  confess  looks  discouraging.  The  defeat  of  Hooker, 
of  which  as  yet  we  have  not  full  particulars,  is  a  terrible 
event.  Experience  should  have  taught  us  not  to  hope 
much  from  his  army,  and  yet  the  impression  was  so 
strong  after  his  confident  assertions  and  his  promising 
commencement  that  we  all  feel  the  disappointment.  It 
is  gloomy.  Still  what  can  we  do,  but  fight  on.  .  .  . 

I  regret  to  notice  from  your  letter  that  Grant's  recent 
movements  do  not  meet  your  approval.  It  was  regarded 
as  a  bold  and  successful  plan  to  turn  the  flank  of  the 
enemy,  but  if  he  is  weaker  from  the  south  side  of 
Yicksburg  than  from  above,  I  do  not  see  what  we  have 
gained.  We  have  a  telegraphic  account  of  your  re 
cent  attack  on  Haines  Bluff,  but  do  not  understand  its 
purpose. 

As  for  the  consolidation  of  regiments,  it  is  idle  for 
me  to  interpose.  Halleck  regulates  all  these  matters. 
He  is  king  in  all  questions  regulating  the  detail  affect 
ing  the  army.  Stanton  has  far  less  power  than  Halleck, 


THE  SIEGE  BEGUN  205 

and,  indeed,  holds  office  by  a  frail  tenure  and  with 
limited  influence.  It  is  no  use  for  a  civilian  to  talk  to 
Halleck.  He  would  regard  your  opinion,  but  certainly 
not  mine,  though  we  are  good  friends.  You  have  been 
sagacious  in  your  anticipation  of  military  events. 
Charleston  is  not  taken,  the  war  is  prolonged,  and  but 
little  chance  of  its  ending  until  we  have  a  new  deal. 

If  only  the  people  will  be  patient  so  long,  all  will  be 
well.  The  best  of  it  is,  they  can't  help  themselves. 
The  rebels  won't  let  us  have  peace  even  if  we  wanted  it. 
It  may  be  better  that  the  Democrats  be  allowed  to  take 
the  helm,  as  they  could  not  make  peace,  and  then  war 
would  be  more  vigorous  and  united.  .  .  . 

This  war  has  always  seemed  to  me  a  tragic  necessity. 
I  have  watched  its  progress,  and  hope  to  see  its  termi 
nation.  It  may,  like  the  French  Revolution,  travel  in 
a  large  circle,  destroying  all  that  have  taken  part  in  it ; 
still  there  is  no  way  but  to  go  ahead.  We  may  slowly 
learn  wisdom  in  its  prosecution,  for  we  certainly  have 
not  shown  it  thus  far.  .  .  . 

Affectionately  your  brother, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

Late  in  May,  1863,  it  became  evident  that  the  Con 
federate  works  were  too  strong  to  be  taken  by  assault, 
and  on  May  25th,  the  orders  for  besieging  Vicksburg 
were  given  out. 

WALNUT  HILLS,  VICKSBURG,  May  29,  1863. 
My  Dear  Brother:  I  received  a  few  days  since  your 
most  acceptable  letter  of  May  7th,  which  met  me  here. 
You  will  now  have  a  fine  understanding  of  the  whole 
move  thus  far.  The  move  by  way  of  Grand  Gulf  to 
secure  a  foothold  on  the  hills  wherefrom  to  assail  Vicks 
burg,  appeared  to  me  too  risky  at  the  time,  and  General 


206  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

Grant  is  entitled  to  all  the  merit  of  its  conception  and 
execution. 

In  our  route  we  consumed  the  fruits  of  the  country, 
broke  up  the  important  railroad  communications,  whipped 
the  enemy  wherever  encountered,  and  secured  the  Yazoo 
as  a  base,  the  object  for  which  we  have  contended  so  long 
and  so  patiently.  .  .  . 

We  have  Vicksburg  closely  invested,  and  its  fate  is 
sealed  unless  the  enemy  raises  a  large  force  from  Caro 
lina  and  Tennessee  and  assails  us  from  without.  In  that 
event  we  must  catch  them  at  the  crossing  of  Black,  and 
fight  them  desperately. 

The  place  is  very  well  fortified,  and  is  defended  by 
twenty  thousand  brave  troops.  We  have  assaulted  at 
five  distinct  points  at  two  distinct  times,  and  failed  to 
cross  the  parapet.  Our  loss  was  heavy  and  we  are  now 
approaching  with  pick  and  shovel.  If  we  did  not  ap 
prehend  an  attempt  on  our  rear,  we  could  wait  patiently 
the  slow  process  of  besiegers ;  but  as  this  danger  is  great, 
we  may  try  and  assault  again.  In  the  mean  time  we  are 
daily  pouring  into  the  city  a  perfect  storm  of  shot  and 
shells,  and  our  sharp-shooters  are  close  up  and  fire  at  any 
head  that  is  rash  enough  to  show  itself  above  ground. 

[Not  signed.] 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  July  18,  1863. 

My  Dear  Brother:  I  supposed  when  Vicksburg  fell 
that  you  would  have  a  period  of  rest,  and  perhaps  might 
return  to  Ohio  to  find  yourself  popular  and  famous.  But 
the  fortune  of  war  carries  you  into  new  dangers  and  I 
hope  new  successes.  We  have  been  very  anxious  for 
news  from  your  movements,  but  as  yet  we  have  only  had 
uncertain  reports,  and  can  only  live  in  the  hope  that  you 
will  whip  Johnston  and  win  new  laurels.  I  have  just 


GENERAL   SHERMAN'S  POPULARITY         207 

returned  from  Cincinnati,  where  I  was  during  the  whole 
of  Morgan's  raid.  How  completely  the  tone  of  the  press 
has  changed  in  regard  to  you.  Even  the  "  G  azette, "  l 
which  has  been  malignant  to  the  last  degree,  published 
quite  a  number  of  letters  in  which  your  share  of  the 
movements  about  Vicksburg  was  highly  praised.  I 
notice,  however,  that  the  editor  has  said  nothing.  All 
other  papers,  and  indeed  all  officers  and  citizens  with 
whom  I  converse,  gave  you  great  credit.  So  that  now 
in  the  Northern  States,  and  especially  here  in  Ohio, 
your  popularity  is  second  only  to  that  of  Grant.  You 
need  care  but  little  for  this,  as  you  passed  through  a 
storm  of  obloquy  which  would  have  submerged  many  an 
officer.  Popular  opinion  is  so  changeable  that  it  is 
worthless.  It  is  founded  upon  rumor,  and  is  as  explo 
sive  as  gas.  Meade  has  had  a  foretaste  of  this.  His 
drawn  battle  at  Gettysburg  relieved  the  country  from  a 
great  danger,  and  he  was  at  once  a  hero;  he  was  the 
coming  man.  He  has  allowed  Lee  to  escape  him,  and 
all  his  popular  honors  are  lost.  McClellan  has  succeeded 
in  establishing  the  position  of  a  party  leader,  and  now 
enjoys  the  bad  honor  of  being  cheered  by  a  New  York  mob 
of  thieves  and  scoundrels,  while  poor  Hooker  is  dropped 
by  all  just  when  he  thought  he  had  Lee  in  his  power. 

While  the  war  goes  on  there  is  a  danger  looming  up 
that  seems  to  me  more  ominous  than  any  other.  It  is 
the  Presidential  election  next  summer.  We  shall  have  a 
fierce  canvass.  ...  If  the  election  cannot  be  held  in  the 
Southern  States,  no  one  is  likely  to  get  a  majority  of  the 
electoral  college.  This  must  be,  to  secure  an  election 
by  the  people.  All  the  States  must  be  counted,  and 
under  the  Constitution  the  successful  candidate  must 
have  a  majority  of  all  the  electoral  votes.  Can  this  be 
1  Cincinnati  "  Gazette." 


208  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

secured  by  any  one  man?  If  not,  the  election  then  goes 
into  the  House,  and  who  can  tell  the  result.  The  war 
has  done  a  great  deal  to  shake  that  implicit  obedience  to 
law  which  has  been  the  great  conservative  element,  but 
in  the  struggle  for  so  vast  a  prize  will  it  not  be  easy  to 
clog  the  machinery  for  a  legal  election  ?  —  and  then  civil 
war  or  anarchy  is  the  certain  result.  These  are  only 
possible  dangers,  but  it  is  well  to  look  them  in  the  face. 
At  present  I  do  not  stand  very  well  with  my  political 
associates,  because  I  have  openly  differed  with  them  on 
important  questions.  But  I  am  too  well  grounded  in 
the  principles  of  the  Republican  party  to  be  shaken  in 
my  faith.  Indeed,  nearly  all  the  errors  into  which  the 
administration  has  fallen,  have  arisen  from  the  advice  of 
an  old  school  of  politicians  who  never  belonged  to  the 
Eepublican  party. 

Affectionately  your  brother, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

JACKSON,  Miss.,  July  19,  1863. 

My  Dear  Brother:  The  fall  of  Vicksburg  and  conse 
quent  capitulation  of  Port  Hudson,  the  opening  the 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  and  now  the  driving  out 
of  this  great  valley  the  only  strong  army  that  threatened 
us,  complete  as  pretty  a  page  in  the  history  of  war  and 
of  our  country  as  ever  you  could  ask  my  name  to  be 
identified  with.  The  share  I  have  personally  borne  in 
all  these  events  is  one  in  which  you  may  take  pride  for 
me.  You  know  I  have  avoided  notoriety;  and  the  press, 
my  standard  enemy,  may  strip  me  of  all  popular  ap 
plause,  but  not  a  soldier  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee 
but  knows  the  part  I  have  borne  in  this  great  drama,  and 
the  day  will  come  when  that  army  will  speak  in  a  voice 
that  cannot  be  drowned.  .  .  . 


AFTER   THE   FALL   OF  VICKSBURG  209 

In  the  events  resulting  thus,  the  guiding  minds  and 
hands  were  Grant's,  Sherman's,  and  McPherson's,  all 
natives  of  Ohio.  .  .  . 

Jackson  will  never  again  be  a  point  where  an  enemy 
can  assemble  and  threaten  us.  ...  As  soon  as  my 
detachments  are  in,  I  will  return  to  Black  River.  Our 
men  and  officers  must  have  rest.  For  months  in  trenches, 
working  day  and  night  in  the  heat  and  dust  of  the  roads, 
all  are  exhausted  and  need  rest.  I  hope  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  will  finish  Lee.  Morgan  should  not  escape 

from  Indiana.     Love  to  all. 

Your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

CAMP  18  M.  E.  OF  VICKSBURG, 
July  28,  1863. 

Dear  Brother :  Since  my  return  from  Jackson,  I  have 
been  very  busy  —  every  general  officer  but  two  has  gone 
on  furlough,  and  everybody  wants  to  go.  .  .  . 

The  railroad  comes  within  four  miles  of  my  tent,  and 
I  have  its  exclusive  use  and  a  telegraph  at  my  elbow. 
If  you  come  down  you  will  find  your  name  a  passport, 
but  should  that  fail  you,  see  General  Grant  or  McPher- 
son  in  Yicksburg,  and  they  will  put  you  through.  I 
don't  think  there  is  any  danger  on  the  river  now  unless 
it  be  on  the  Ohio,  which  you  can  avoid  by  taking  cars  to 
Cairo.  Vicksburg  is  worth  seeing,  and  a  glance  will 
tell  you  more  than  reams  of  paper  why  it  took  us  six 
months  to  take  the  place.  I  am  camped  near  Big  Black, 
four  and  one-half  miles  northeast  of  where  the  railroad 
crosses  it.  My  depot  of  supplies  is  at  the  crossing. 
Col.  J.  Condit  Smith  is  my  quartermaster,  and  should 
you  reach  that  point  before  I  am  advised  by  telegraph, 
apply  to  him  and  he  will  send  you  to  my  camp.  I  have 


210  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

four  divisions  here  much  reduced,  but  still  a  good  stock. 
In  the  riots  of  New  York  I  recognize  the  second  stage  of 
this  war,  but  I  trust  our  Government  will  deal  with 
them  summarily.  The  war  has  progressed  as  fast  and 

as  successfully  as  should  be. 

Your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHEKMAN. 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  Aug.  3,  1863. 

My  Dear  Brother :  Your  letter  dated  July  19,  at  Jack 
son,  is  received.  What  you  say  about  the  injustice  of 
the  press  was  undoubtedly  true  a  month  ago,  but  it  is 
true  no  longer.  Since  the  fall  of  Vicksburg  each  of  the 
officers  named  by  you  has  been  very  highly  lauded,  and 
that  by  all  parties  and  papers.  With  you  it  has  been 
especially  laudatory.  Even  your  old  enemy,  the  Cincin 
nati  "Gazette,"  has  in  several  recent  numbers  spoken  of 
you  in  very  complimentary  terms,  and  without  any  ap 
parent  recollection  that  it  has  libelled  you  for  months. 
With  the  officers  of  the  army  you  stand  very  high.  In- 
deed  it  is  now  unnecessary  for  you  to  care  for  defenders. 
I  will  think  of  your  proposition  to  visit  Vicksburg,  and 
will  probably  do  so  this  fall.  At  present  I  am  involved 
in  the  political  canvass  now  going  on  in  Ohio,  but  shall 
not  be  long.  My  position  does  not  require  me  to  take  a 

very  active  part.   .  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 
•  JOHN  SHERMAN. 

General  Sherman  did  not  visit  Ohio  until  the  follow 
ing  Christmas. 


THE  DUTY  OF  THE  EXECUTIVE  211 

CAMP  ON  BIG  BLACK, 

18  miles  from  Vicksburg, 

_>        r,    ,,  Aug.  3, 1863. 

Dear  Brother  : 

You  and  I  may  differ  in  our  premises,  but  will  agree  in 
our  conclusions.  A  government  resting  immediately  on 
the  caprice  of  a  people  is  too  unstable  to  last.  The  will 
of  the  people  is  the  ultimate  appeal,  but  the  Constitu 
tion,  laws  of  Congress,  and  regulations  of  the  executive 
departments  subject  to  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme 
Court  are  the  laws  which  all  must  obey  without  stop 
ping  to  inquire  why.  All  must  obey.  Government, 
that  is,  the  executive,  having  no  discretion  but  to  exe 
cute  the  law,  must  be  to  that  extent  despotic.  If  this 
be  our  Government,  it  is  the  "  best  on  earth  "  —  but  if  the 
people  of  localities  can  bias  and  twist  the  law  or  execu 
tion  of  it  to  suit  their  local  prejudices,  then  our  Govern 
ment  is  the  worst  on  earth.  If  you  look  back  only  two 
years,  you  will  see  the  application.  There  are  about  six 
millions  of  men  in  this  country  all  thinking  themselves 
sovereign  and  qualified  to  govern.  Some  thirty-four 
governors  of  States  who  feel  like  petty  kings,  and  about 
ten  thousand  editors  who  presume  to  dictate  to  generals, 
presidents,  and  cabinets.  I  treat  all  these  as  nothing, 
but  when  a  case  arises  I  simply  ask:  Where  is  the  law? 
Supposing  the  pilot  of  a  ship  should  steer  his  vessel 
according  to  the  opinion  of  every  fellow  who  watched 
the  clouds  above  or  the  currents  below,  where  would  his 
ship  land?  No,  the  pilot  has  before  him  a  little  needle; 
he  watches  that,  and  he  never  errs.  So  if  we  make  that 
our  simple  code,  the  law  of  the  land  must  and  shall  be 
executed;  no  matter  what  the  consequences,  we  cannot 
err.  Hundreds  and  thousands  may  honestly  differ  as  to 
what  the  law  should  be,  but  it  is  rarely  the  case ;  but  all 


212  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

men  of  ordinary  understanding  can  tell  what  the  law  is. 
We  have  for  years  been  drifting  towards  an  unadulterated 
democracy  or  demagogism,  and  its  signs  were  manifest 
in  Mob  Laws  and  Vigilance  Committees  all  over  our 
country.  And  States  and  towns  and  mere  squads  of  men 
took  upon  themselves  to  set  aside  the  Constitution  and 
laws  of  Congress  and  substitute  therefor  their  own 
opinions.  I  saw  it,  and  tried  to  resist  it  in  California, 
but  always  the  General  Government  yielded  to  the  pres 
sure.  I  say  that  our  Government,  judged  by  its  conduct 
as  a  whole,  paved  the  way  for  rebellion.  The  South 
that  lived  on  slavery  saw  the  United  States  yield  to 
abolition  pressure  at  the  North,  to  pro-slavery  pressure 
at  the  South,  to  the  miners  of  California,  the  rowdies  of 
Baltimore,  and  to  the  people  everywhere.  They  paved 
the  way  to  this  rebellion.  The  people  of  the  South 
were  assured  that,  so  far  from  resisting  an  attempt  to 
set  up  an  independent  Government  of  homogeneous 
interests,  the  United  States  would  give  in  and  yield. 
They  appealed  to  precedents,  and  proved  it,  and  I  con 
fess  I  had  seen  so  much  of  it  that  I  doubted  whether  our 
Government  would  not  yield  to  the  pressure,  and  die  a 
natural  death.  But  I  confess  my  agreeable  surprise. 
Though  full  of  corruption  and  base  materials,  our  coun 
try  is  a  majestic  one,  full  of  natural  wealth  and  good 
people.  They  have  risen  not  in  full  majesty,  but  enough 
to  give  all  hopes  of  vitality.  Our  progress  has  been  as 
rapid  as  any  philosopher  could  ask.  The  resources  of 
the  land  in  money,  in  men,  in  provisions,  in  forage,  and 
in  intelligence,  has  surprised  us  all,  and  we  have  had  as 
much  success  as  could  be  hoped  for.  The  Mississippi  is 
now  ours,  not  by  commission  but  by  right,  by  the  right 
of  manly  power.  ...  No  great  interest  in  our  land  has 
risen  superior  to  Government,  and  I  deem  it  fortunate 


THE  PRESS  AGAIN  213 

that  no  man  has  risen  to  dictate  terms  to  all.  Better  as 
it  is.  Lincoln  is  but  the  last  of  the  old  school  Presi 
dents,  the  index  (mathematically)  of  one  stage  of  our 
national  existence.  .  .  .  Our  Government  should  become 
a  machine,  self -regulating,  independent  of  the  man.  .  .  . 

As  to  the  press  of  America,  it  is  a  shame  and  a  re 
proach  to  a  civilized  people.  ...  I  begin  to  feel  a  high 
opinion  of  myself  that  I  am  their  butt;  I  shall  begin  to 
suspect  myself  of  being  in  a  decline  when  a  compliment 
appears  in  type.  I  know  in  what  estimation  I  am  held 
by  my  press, —  those  who  have  been  with  me  all  the 
time, —  and  they  are  capable  to  judge,  from  private  to 
major-generals.  I  saw  a  move  to  bring  Grant  and  my 
self  East.  No  they  don't.  .  .  . 

We  will  be  in  Mobile  in  October  and  Georgia  by 
Christmas  if  required.  .  .  . 

I  see  much  of  the  people  here  —  men  of  heretofore 
high  repute.  The  fall  of  Vicksburg  has  had  a  powerful 
effect.  They  are  subjugated.  I  even  am  amazed  at  the 
effect ;  we  are  actually  feeding  the  people.  .  .  . 

Grant  and  wife  visited  me  in  camp  yesterday.  I  have 
the  handsomest  camp  I  ever  saw,  and  should  really  be 
glad  to  have  visitors  come  down.  I  don't  think  a  shot 
will  be  fired  at  a  boat  till  Jeff  Davis  can  call  his  friends 
about  him  and  agree  upon  the  next  campaign.  I  want 
recruits  and  conscripts,  and  shall  be  all  ready  in  October. 
As  ever,  your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  Aug.  29,  1863. 

Dear  Brother:  I  am  very  desirous  to  accept  your 
invitation.  The  trip  would  be  an  instructive  and  pleas 
ant  one,  and  if  I  were  not  restrained  by  the  interests  of 
others  I  would  surely  go  at  once.  But  we  are  now 


214  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

involved  in  an  exciting  and  important  political  contest. 
The  canvass  in  Ohio  is  substantially  between  the  Gov 
ernment  and  the  Eebellion,  and  is  assuming  all  the  bit 
terness  of  such  a  step.  If  I  should  leave  now,  it  would 
be  like  a  General  leaving  before  the  day  of  battle.  I 
have  been  speaking  very  often,  and  must  keep  it  up.  I 
propose,  however,  to  arrange  all  my  business  so  that 
I  may  leave  soon  after  the  election,  say  about  the 
20th  of  October,  and  will  then  go  down  the  river  and 
spend  all  the  time  until  the  meeting  of  Congress.  I 
hope  to  be  able  to  go  via  Vicksburg,  New  Orleans, 
Charleston,  to  Washington.  If  a  favorable  opportunity 
offers  at  Vicksburg  and  New  Orleans,  I  wish  to  develop 
my  ideas  as  to  a  reconstruction  of  the  Union.  I  know 
these  will  suit  you  a  good  deal  better  than  they  will  the 
administration,  but  I  feel  quite  independent  of  the  latter 
and  am  disposed  to  follow  my  own  course.  .  .  . 

General  Ord  stopped  with  me  last  Sunday  on  his  way 
East.  We  were  all  glad  to  see  him,  as  he  gave  us  many 
interesting  details  of  your  situation  and  operations. 
Your  promotion  as  Brigadier  in  the  Kegular  Army  gave 
unusual  satisfaction.  I  was  in  Dayton,  Springfield, 
Marys ville,  and  Stanton's 1  neighborhood  and  conversed 
with  many  about  his  attacks  on  you.  I  find  he  is  terri 
bly  unpopular.  Your  recent  success  and  his  libels  on 
you  are  the  subject  of  general  remarks.  At  one  place 
I  mentioned  your  name  in  connection  with  other  Ohio 
Generals  who  have  distinguished  themselves,  and  the 
crowd  stopped  me  and  gave  you  three  as  hearty  cheers 
as  ever  man  got.  .  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

1  Lieutenant-Governor  Stanton,  of  Ohio. 


ENFORCING   THE  DRAFT  215 

After  the  fall  of  Vicksburg  and  Port  Hudson,  the 
Western  armies  lay  comparatively  idle  for  a  time ;  and 
early  in  the  autumn  General  Sherman  was  engaged  in  re 
building  the  Memphis  &  Charleston  R.  E,.  to  the  east  so 
that  the  armies  might  draw  supplies  by  that  route.  While 
engaged  on  this  work,  he  was  ordered  to  cross  the  Ten 
nessee  and  march  eastward.  The  battle  of  Chattanooga 
followed,  and  then  Sherman  was  sent  to  Burnside's  relief, 
the  latter  being  besieged  in  Knoxville  in  November. 
The  siege  of  Knoxville  was  raised  December  5,  1863,  and 
Sherman  went  slowly  back  to  Chattanooga,  and  then  was 
ordered  to  northern  Alabama  to  put  his  army  into  winter 
quarters. 

General  Sherman  spent  Christmas  of  1863  with  his 
family,  in  Lancaster,  Ohio,  but  missed  seeing  John,  who 
had  already  gone  to  Washington. 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  Nov.  14,  1863. 
My  Dear  Brother  : 

On  Tuesday  next  I  start  for  Gettysburg,  to  take  part 
in  the  pageant  of  a  dedication  of  the  battle-field  as  a 
national  cemetery.  From  thence  I  shall  probably  go 
to  Washington,  two  weeks  in  advance  of  the  session. 
The  very  first  thing  I  mean  to  do  is  to  press  the  enforce 
ment  of  the  draft.  The  long  delay  and  the  various 
shifts  and  subterfuges  by  which  the  execution  of  the 
law  has  thus  far  been  defeated,  is  disgraceful,  and  very 
injurious  to  the  cause.  ...  I  notice  in  some  of  the 
Southern  papers  that  a  hope  is  entertained  that  the 
draft  cannot  be  enforced.  This  is  idle.  The  war  was 
never  more  popular  than  at  this  moment.  The  new 
call  will  fall  lightly.  Ohio  must  send  thirty-five 
thousand,  or  one  to  fifteen  of  her  voters.  The  ap 
portionment  has  been  made  even  to  townships  and 
wards,  and  in  very  many  places  the  quota  will  be  made 
by  voluntary  enlistments,  aided  by  large  gratuitous 


216  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

bounties  from  citizens.  There  is  no  lack  of  men  or  of 
a  determination  to  send  them.  The  wonderful  prosperity 
of  all  classes,  especially  of  laborers,  has  a  tendency 
to  secure  acquiescence  in  all  measures  demanded  to 
carry  on  the  war.  We  are  only  another  example  of  a 
people  growing  rich  in  a  great  war.  And  this  is  not 
shown  simply  by  inflated  prices,  but  by  increased  pro 
duction,  new  manufacturing  establishments,  new  rail 
roads,  houses,  etc.  .  .  .  Indeed,  every  branch  of 
business  is  active  and  hopeful.  This  is  not  a  mere 
temporary  inflation  caused  by  paper  money,  but  is  a 
steady  progress,  and  almost  entirely  upon  actual  capital. 
The  people  are  prospering  and  show  their  readiness  to 
push  on  the  war.  Taxes  are  paid  cheerfully,  and  the 
voluntary  donations  for  our  soldiers  and  their  families 
are  counted  by  thousands.  ...  I  confide  in  your  success. 

Affectionately, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

LANCASTER,  OHIO,  Dec.  29,  1863. 

My  Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  I  hear  you  have  gone  on  to 
New  York,  and  therefore  I  must  go  off  without  seeing 
you.  I  have  been  off  the  line  of  communication  since 
leaving  Memphis,  save  a  few  hours  at  Bridgeport,  dur 
ing  which  I  had  hardly  time  to  put  my  official  signature 
to  papers  demanding  my  hand.  I  have  made  a  report  of 
our  movements  up  to  the  return  to  Bridgeport  and  enclose 
it  with  this,  a  copy  which  I  brought  here,  and  which  you 
may  keep,  only,  of  course,  under  the  confidence  of  abso 
lute  secrecy  until  the  War  Department  thinks  proper  to 
make  the  original  public.  .  .  . 

I  suppose  you  will  read  this  report,  and  I  invite 
attention  to  the  part  referring  to  the  assault  on  Tunnel 
Hill.  I  know  that  Grant  in  his  report  will  dwell  on 


THE  ASSAULT  ON  TUNNEL  HILL  217 

this  same  part.  I  was  provoked  that  Meigs,  looking  at 
us  from  Chattanooga,  should  report  me  repulsed,  and  that 
Mr.  Stanton  should  publish  his  letter  as  semi-official. 
Meigs  apologized  to  me  for  using  Thomas's  name  instead 
of  mine  throughout,  which  he  charged  to  a  copyist,  but 
made  no  amends  for  the  repulse.  The  whole  philoso 
phy  of  the  battle  was  that  I  should  get,  by  a  dash,  a  posi 
tion  on  the  extremity  of  the  Missionary  Ridge,  from 
which  the  enemy  would  be  forced  to  drive  me,  or  allow 
his  depot  at  Chickamauga  station  to  be  in  danger.  I 
expected  Bragg  to  attack  me  at  daylight,  but  he  did  not, 
and  to  bring  matters  to  a  crisis  quickly,  as  time  was 
precious,  for  the  sake  of  Burnside  in  East  Tennessee, 
Grant  ordered  me  to  assume  the  offensive.  My  report 
contains  the  rest.  Again,  after  the  battle,  Granger  was 
ordered  to  push  for  Knoxville,  but  his  movements  were 
so  slow  that  Grant,  impatient,  called  on  me,  and  my 
move  was  the  most  rapid  of  the  war  and  perfectly  suc 
cessful.  I  could  have  gone  on  after  Longstreet,  but 
Burnside  ranked  me,  and  it  was  his  business,  not  mine. 
So  I  reinforced  him  all  he  asked,  and  returned. 

The  Fifteenth  Corps,  now  Logan's,  and  Dodge's  divi 
sion  of  the  Sixteenth  Corps  are  now  at  work  on  the  rail 
road  from  Nashville  to  Decatur,  and  from  Decatur  to 
Stevenson,  thus  making  a  triangle  of  railroad  which  it 
is  estimated  will  relieve  the  great  difficulty  of  supplies 
which  has  paralyzed  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland.  This 
will  take  five  weeks.  I  leave  my  headquarters  at  Hunts  - 
ville,  and  go  in  person  down  the  Mississippi  to  strike 
some  lateral  blows,  to  punish  the  country  for  allowing 
guerillas  to  attack  the  boats.  I  go  on  Friday  to  Cin 
cinnati,  and  thence  to  Cairo,  where  with  Admiral  Porter 
I  will  concert  measures  to  produce  the  result.  I  expect 
to  send  one  expedition  up  the  Yazoo,  and  go  myself  with 


218  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

another  up  Red  River,  levying  contributions  to  make 
good  losses  to  boats,  and  punish  for  deaths  and  wounds 
inflicted.  I  think  we  can  make  people  feel  that  they 
must  actually  prevent  guerillas  from  carrying  out  their 
threats  that  though  we  have  the  river,  it  will  do  us  no 
good.  My  address  will  be  Memphis,  for  a  month,  and 
Huntsville  after.  We  can  hardly  fashion  out  the  next 
campaign,  but  it  looks  as  though  we  should  have  to  move 
from  the  Tennessee  Eiver.  I  should  prefer  to  take 
Mobile  and  the  Alabama  as  well  as  the  Chattahoochee, 
and  move  east  from  Montgomery  and  Columbus,  Miss. 

I  wish  you  would  introduce  a  bill  in  Congress  increas 
ing  the  number  of  cadets  on  this  basis  —  one  from  each 
congressional  district  per  annum.  In  districts  not  rep 
resented,  vest  the  appointments  in  the  Secretary  of  War 
out  of  boys  not  over  eighteen  in  the  armies  in  the  field, 
to  be  selected  in  any  manner  that  may  be  prescribed  by 
law,  or  by  the  regulation  of  the  President.  This  would 
hold  out  to  young  fellows  the  prospect  of  getting  a 
cadetship.  Last  summer  we  were  called  on  to  recom 
mend  candidates,  and  I  was  amazed  to  find  so  many 
worthy  applicants.  All  who  came  forward  for  examina 
tion  preferred  West  Point  to  a  commission.  The  great 
want  of  the  army  is  good  subordinate  officers.  The  army 
is  a  good  school,  but  West  Point  is  better.  It  is  useless 
to  deny  that  a  special  preliminary  education  is  necessary 
to  the  military  officers,  and  the  cheapest  school  is  now  at 
West  Point  and  is  susceptible  of  infinite  increase.  .  .  . 

I  think  the  President's  proclamation  unwise.  Know 
ing  the  temper  of  the  South,  I  know  that  it  but  protracts 
the  war  by  seeming  to  court  peace.  It  to  them  looks 
like  weakness.  I  tell  them  that  as  they  cool  off,  we 
warm  to  the  work.  That  we  are  just  getting  ready  for 
the  war,  and  I  know  the  effect  is  better  than  to  coax 


OPPOSED   TO  ALL  BOUNTIES  219 

them  to  come  back  into  the  Union.  The  organization 
of  a  Civil  Government  but  complicates  the  game.  All 
the  Southern  States  will  need  a  pure  military  Govern 
ment  for  years  after  resistance  has  ceased.  You  have 
noticed  the  debate  in  Richmond,  on  the  President's 
proclamation.  That  is  a  true  exhibit  of  the  feeling 
South.  Don't  fall  into  the  error  that  the  masses  think 
differently.  Of  course  property-holding  classes  South 
deplore  the  devastation  that  marks  the  progress  of  their 
own  and  our  armies,  but  the  South  is  no  longer  consulted. 
The  Army  of  the  Confederacy  is  the  South,  and  they 
still  hope  to  worry  us  out.  The  moment  we  relax,  they 
gain  strength  and  confidence.  We  must  hammer  away 
and  show  such  resistance,  such  bottom  that  even  that 
slender  hope  will  fail  them. 

I  still  am  opposed  to  all  bounties.  The  draft  pure  and 
simple,  annual,  to  fill  vacancies  in  the  ranks.  Pay  of 
men  in  the  front  increased  to  even  forty  dollars  a  month, 
and  that  of  men  at  depots  and  to  the  rear  diminished  to 
a  bare  maintenance  if  not  less.  Four  hundred  dollars 
bounty  is  an  absurd  commentary  where  two-thirds  draw 
bounty  and  remain  absent  from  their  rank  and  are  dis 
charged  for  disability  without  hearing  a  shot.  Deal 
with  the  army  as  you  would  if  you  were  hiring  men  for 
special  work.  Pay  those  who  do  the  work  high;  those 
who  are  sick,  unfortunate,  or  shirking,  pay  little  or  noth 
ing.  The  same  of  officers  from  the  major-general  to 
lieutenant.  The  President  must  make  vacancies  for  the 
rising  officers,  the  "  creations  "  of  the  war.  I  am  willing 
to  quit  if  a  younger  and  better  man  can  be  found  for  my 
place.  .  .  . 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


220  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

LANCASTER,  Dec.  30,  1863. 

Dear  Brother:  I  have  been  importuned  from  many 
quarters  for  my  likeness,  autographs,  and  biography.  I 
have  managed  to  fend  off  all  parties  and  hope  to  do  so 
till  the  end  of  the  war.  I  don't  want  to  rise  or  be  noto 
rious,  for  the  reason  that  a  mere  slip  or  accident  may  let 
me  fall,  and  I  don't  care  about  falling  so  far  as  most  of 
the  temporary  heroes  of  the  war.  The  real  men  of  the 
war  will  be  determined  by  the  closing  scenes,  and  then 
the  army  will  determine  the  questions.  Newspaper 
puffs  and  self -written  biographies  will  then  be  ridicu 
lous  caricatures.  Already  has  time  marked  this  pro 
gress  and  indicated  this  conclusion. 

If  parties  apply  to  you  for  materials  in  my  behalf, 
give  the  most  brief  and  general  items,  and  leave  the 
results  to  the  close  of  the  war  or  of  my  career.  As  well 
might  a  judge  or  senator  seek  for  fame  outside  their 
spheres  of  action  as  an  officer  of  the  army.  We  must 
all  be  judged  by  our  own  peers,  stand  or  fall  by  their 
verdict.  I  know  I  stand  very  high  with  the  army,  and 
feel  no  concern  on  that  score.  To-day  I  can  do  more 
with  Admiral  Porter  or  the  Generals  than  any  general 
officer  out  West  except  Grant,  and  with  him  I  am  as  a 
second  self.  We  are  personal  and  official  friends. 
Affectionately  yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

The  following  letters  were  written  in  the  winter  and 
spring  of  1864,  while  General  Sherman  commanded  the 
troops  along  the  Mississippi,  and  John  Sherman  was  in 
the  Senate  at  Washington.  General  Sherman's  letters 
contain  expressions  of  confidence  in  General  Grant,  who 
had  just  been  ordered  to  command  the  Armies  of  the 
United  States. 


PUBLIC  DINNER  AT  MEMPHIS  221 

ON  BOARD  JULIET, 
Bound  for  Vicksburg  in  a  fog, 
Dear  Brother:  Friday,  Jan.  28,  1864. 

I  have  organized  a  cavalry  force  to  sweep  down  from 
Memphis  towards  Mobile,  and  have  gathered  together 
out  of  my  garrisons  a  very  pretty  force  of  twenty  thou 
sand  men  which  I  shall  command  in  person,  and  move 
from  Vicksburg  down  east  in  connection  with  the  cav 
alry  named,  to  reach  Meridian  and  break  up  the  railroad 
connections  there.  This  will  have  the  effect  to  discon 
nect  Mississippi  from  the  eastern  Southern  States,  and 
without  this  single  remaining  link  they  cannot  keep  any 
army  of  importance  west  of  the  Alabama  Eiver.  Our 
armies  are  now  at  the  lowest  point,  and  so  many  are 
going  home  as  re-enlisted  veterans  that  I  shall  have  a  less 
force  than  should  attempt  it;  but  this  is  the  time  and  I 
shall  attempt  it.  It  seems  my  luck  to  have  to  take  the 
initiative  and  to  come  in  at  desperate  times,  but  thus 
far  having  done  a  full  share  of  the  real  achievements 
of  this  war,  I  need  not  fear  accidents.  .  .  . 

You  who  attach  more  importance  to  popular  fame 
would  be  delighted  to  see  in  what  estimation  I  am  held 
by  the  people  of  Memphis,  Tenn.,  and  all  along  this 
mighty  river.  I  could  not  well  decline  an  offer  of  a 
public  dinner  in  Memphis,  but  I  dreaded  it  more  than  I 
did  the  assault  on  Yicksburg.  I  had  to  speak,  and  sent 
you  the  report  that  best  suited  me,  viz.,  that  in  the 
"Argus."  The  report  of  the  bulletin  which  may  reach 
the  Northern  press  is  disjointed  and  not  so  correct. 
Indeed,  I  cannot  speak  from  notes  or  keep  myself 
strictly  to  the  point,  but  'tis  said  that  the  effect  of  my 
crude  speeches  is  good.  .  .  . 

I  know  that  for  us  to  assume  that  slavery  is  killed, 


222  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

not  by  a  predetermined  act  of  ours,  but  as  the  natural, 
logical,  and  legal  consequence  of  the  acts  of  its  self- 
constituted  admirers,  we  gain  strength  and  the  enemy 
loses  it.  I  think  it  is  the  true  doctoring  for  the  time 
being.  The  South  has  made  the  interests  of  slavery 
the  issue  of  the  war.  If  they  lose  the  war,  they  lose 
slavery.  Instead  of  our  being  abolitionists,  it  is  thereby 
proven  that  they  are  the  abolitionists.  .  .  . 

The  Mississippi  is  a  substantial  conquest;  we  should 
next  get  the  Red  Eiver,  then  the  Alabama,  and  last  push 
into  Georgia.  .  .  . 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE,  Jan.  29,  1864. 
My  Dear  Brother :  I  received  your  letter  from  Lan 
caster,  and  also  one  from  Cairo.  If  I  had  known  when 
I  left  Washington  that  you  were  to  be  at  Lancaster,  I 
would  have  met  you  there.  But  on  leaving  Washington 
I  engaged  to  meet  certain  gentlemen  at  New  York,  on 
Ne.w  Year's  Day,  and  this  left  me  no  time.  I  have  met 
several  from  Cincinnati  who  saw  you  there,  and  all 
concur  in  saying  you  bear  the  storms  of  life  well,  and 
appear  in  better  health  and  spirits  than  before  the  war. 
Your  official  report  is  very  interesting,  and  I  wish  to  see 
it  published.  I  inquired  of  Cullen  if  it  has  yet  come 
by  military  channels  to  the  adjutant-general,  and  he  says 
not.  When  it  does  come,  he  will  have  it  published.  As 
to  your  proposition  to  increase  the  cadets  at  West  Point, 
I  find  some  difference  of  opinion  among  regular  officers. 
Cullen  says  that  to  graduate  the  number  would  require 
new  buildings,  professors,  etc. ;  that  the  utmost  capacity 
of  the  school  is  four  hundred  and  fifty.  Both  he  and 
Hardie  seem  backward  about  drawing  the  bill  without 


INFLATION  OF  THE  CUREENCY  223 

the  assent  of  Stanton,  but  promised  to  send  me  a  bill 
doubling  the  cadets  if  Stanton  would  consent.  This 
delicacy  seems  to  me  absurd,  for  I  will  assume  it,  intro 
duce  it,  and  may  be  able  to  pass  it.  ...  We  are  all 
looking  to  the  operation  on  the  Mississippi  and  at 
Knoxville.  The  latter  seems  to  me  the  point  of  danger. 
If  Longstreet  should  be  reinforced,  why  could  he  not 
pounce  upon  Foster,  or  his  successor,  and  make  another 
march  necessary  for  his  relief.  The  movement  of  re 
cruiting  is  going  on  well  enough.  The  draft  will  then 
be  thoroughly  enforced.  So  Stanton  says,  and  I  believe 
him.  The  general  prosperity  of  the  country  is  so  marked 
that  I  am  afraid  of  a  reaction  or  a  collapse.  The  cur 
rency  is  awfully  inflated,  and  our  ability  to  borrow  and 
to  pay  interest  has  a  limit.  If  the  war  continues  two 
years  longer,  we  shall  be  terribly  embarrassed.  Still  we 
have  the  sure  foundation  of  public  credit,  a  great  coun 
try,  and  a  large  and  active  population.  Let  me  hear 
from  you  as  often  as  possible. 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

On  March  24,  1864,  General  Sherman  writes  from 
his  headquarters,  then  at  Nashville,  Tenn. 

I  went  to  Cincinnati  with  Grant  to  see  Ellen.  I 
stayed  but  two  days,  and  am  now  here.  I  go  to  Decatur, 
Huntsville,  and  Chattanooga,  to  be  gone  a  week,  and 
then  return  here.  I  shall  have  plenty  to  do.  I  am 
bored  for  photographs,  etc.  I  send  you  the  only  one  I 
have,  which  you  can  have  duplicated,  and  let  the  oper 
ator  sell  to  the  curious.  Give  Grant  all  the  support  you 
can.  If  he  can  escape  the  toils  of  the  schemers,  he  may 
do  some  good.  He  will  fight,  and  the  Army  of  the 


224  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

Potomac  will  have  all  the  fighting  they  want.  He  will 
expect  your  friendship  —  we  are  close  friends.  His 
simplicity  and  modesty  are  natural  and  not  affected. 
Whatever  part  is  assigned  me  I  will  attempt,  cost  what 
it  may  in  life  and  treasure.  .  .  . 

And  again  he  writes :  — 

Grant  encourages  his  juniors  and  takes  pleasure  in 
supporting  them.  .  .  .  Newspaper  men  are  afraid  of 
me,  and  I  hope  before  the  war  is  much  older  we  shall  be 
allowed  to  conscript  every  citizen  of  good  physique  found 
about  our  camps,  on  the  ground  that  he  has  fled  to 
escape  the  draft.  Such  an  order  would  have  an  ad 
mirable  effect. 

WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  March  26,  1864. 

My  Dear  Brother:  Your  movements  have  been  so 
rapid  of  late  that  I  scarcely  knew  where  to  address 
you.  I  have  recently  met  with  several  officers  who 
have  been  with  you,  among  others  General  Grant  and 
General  Butterfield.  General  Grant  is  all  the  rage;  he 
is  subjected  to  the  disgusting  but  dangerous  process 
of  being  lionized.  He  is  followed  by  crowds  and  is 
cheered  everywhere.  While  he  must  despise  the  fickle 
fools  who  run  after  him,  he,  like  most  others,  may  be 
spoiled  by  this  excess  of  flattery.  He  may  be  so  elated 
as  to  forget  the  uncertain  tenure  upon  which  he  holds 
and  stakes  his  really  well-earned  laurels.  I  conversed 
with  him  but  little,  as  I  did  not  wish  either  to  occupy 
his  time  or  to  be  considered  his  flatterer.  The  opinion 
I  form  of  him  from  his  appearance  is  this, —  his  will  and 
common-sense  are  the  strongest  features  of  his  character. 
He  is  plain  and  modest,  and  so  far  bears  himself  well. 
All  here  give  him  hearty  co-operation,  but  an  officer  who 


GRANT  AS  A  LEADER  225 

does  not  like  Halleck  tells  me  that  Halleck  will  ruin 
Grant  with,  the  President  in  sixty  days,  or  on  failure 
to  do  so  will  resign.  .  .  . 

We  all  here  are  disposed  to  take  a  hopeful  view  of 
the  status  in  quo.  The  enormous  Government  boun 
ties  have  been  effective,  but  they  are  terribly  severe  on 
our  finances.  We  can't  forever  endure  such  expendi 
tures.  Warning  and  caution  to  this  danger  are  unheeded. 
Our  people  are  so  hopeful  and  energetic  that  they  will 
bear  more  than  any  other.  .  .  . 

You  are  now  in  a  position  where  any  act  of  yours  will 
command  public  attention.  You  will  be  unduly  lauded 
and  sharply  abused.  I  hope  you  have  seen  enough  of 
the  base  motives  that  dictate  praise  and  blame  to  disre 
gard  both,  but  preserve  the  best  of  your  judgment  in 
utter  disregard  of  flattery  or  clamor. 

When  any  of  your  friends  come  to  Washington,  give 
them  notes  to  me.  I  may  be  of  service  to  them.  At  all 
events  I  like  to  see  them. 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 


HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OP  THE  MISSISSIPPI, 

NASHVILLE,  TENN.,  April  5,  1864. 
Dear  Brother: 


Grant  is  as  good  a  leader  as  we  can  find.  He  has 
honesty,  simplicity  of  character,  singleness  of  purpose, 
and  no  hope  or  claim  to  usurp  civil  power.  His  char 
acter,  more  than  his  genius,  will  reconcile  armies  and 
attach  the  people.  Let  him  alone.  Don't  disgust  him 
by  flattery  or  importunity.  Let  him  alone.  ...  If 
bothered,  hampered,  or  embarrassed,  he  would  drop  you 
all  in  disgust,  and  let  you  slide  into  anarchy.  .  .  .  Let 


226  THE  SHEBMAN  LETTERS 

us  manage  the  whites  and  "  niggers  "  and  all  the  physical 
resources  of  the  country,  and  apply  them  where  most 
needed.  Let  us  accomplish  great  results,  leaving  small 
ones  to  conform  in  due  season.  .  .  . 

I  have  in  hand  three  armies  here,  and  one  in  Arkan 
sas.  All  are  in  harmony,  and  all  are  willing  to  go  and 
come  at  my  bidding.  I  am  also  in  perfect  harmony  with 
the  civil  authorities.  I  know  their  province  and  my 
own.  I  believe  also  our  enemies  have  more  respect  for 
me  than  they  have  for  Congress,  so  that  I  shall  be  ready 
with  the  spring.  But  I  see  with  regret  causes  still  at 
work  North  which  should  not  be.  States  quarrelling 
about  quotas,  when  we  see  their  regiments  here  dwin 
dling  to  mere  squads.  Absentees  by  the  hundreds  of 
thousands;  and  all  efforts  to  get  men,  who  have  drawn 
large  bounties  and  are  drawing  large  pay  still  lingering 
at  a  safe  distance,  are  vain,  yet  I  hope  that  by  the  vol 
untary  consent  of  the  men  themselves  we  shall  have 
enough. 

As  our  enemy  fills  his  ranks  by  conscription,  ours 
dwindle  by  sickness  and  furloughs.  I  am  laboring  hard 
to  put  all  on  the  rolls  into  position,  and  still  harder  to 
put  forward  the  stores  .on  which  they  must  feed  as  we 
advance.  The  country  through  which  we  have  marched 
is  cleared  of  all  subsistence  and  forage,  and  everything 
must  be  sent  forward  by  cars  and  wagons.  It  is  esti 
mated  that  there  are  now  the  carcasses  of  thirty  thou 
sand  animals  in  the  valley  of  the  Tennessee.  Not  one 
cavalry  soldier  in  ten  has  a  horse,  and  on  a  recent  visit 
to  Schofield,  out  of  forty-one  thousand  men  who  should 
have,  I  find  but  seven  thousand  in  line  of  battle,  but  the 
furloughed  men  are  returning,  and  I  will  see  that  by 
May  1st  I  have  on  the  Tennessee  one  of  the  best  armies 
in  the  world.  You  may  look  for  the  causes  of  these 


CONDUCT  OF  THE   WAR  227 

apparent  incongruities  not  in  the  army,  but  among  our 
people. 

I  shall  be  here  about  two  weeks,  and  then  to  the  front. 
Let  me  hear  from  you.  I  care  no  more  for  the  squabbles 
about  the  Presidency  than  I  do  for  the  causes  of  the 
Schleswig-Holstein  difficulty,  and  Grant  cares  still 

less.  .  .  . 

Your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

On  April  llth,  General  Sherman  writes  again  from 
Nashville,  enclosing  an  interesting  letter  of  his  own, 
written  to  Major  Sawyer  in  the  previous  January. 

Of  course  I  have  enough  to  do,  but  more  to  think 
about.  We  have  now  been  two  years  and  more  at  war, 
and  have  reached  a  period  when  we  should  consider  the 
war  as  fairly  begun.  Don't  you  delude  yourself  that  it 
is  even  approaching  an  end.  For  a  shrewd  people  we 
have  less  sense  even  than  the  Mexicans,  paying  fabulous 
bounties  for  a  parcel  of  boys  and  old  men,  and  swelling 
our  muster-rolls,  but  adding  nothing  to  our  real  fighting 
strength.  Instead  of  enlarging,  we  are  all  cutting  down 
our  organizations.  I  shall  have  the  fragments  of  seven 
corps  on  the  Tennessee,  but  over  thirty  thousand  animals 
have  died,  and  it  is  going  to  be  a  terrible  job  to  replace 
them,  and  to  accumulate  to  the  front  the  necessary  food 
for  mules  and  men  in  time ;  but  though  assured  that  the 
country  for  a  long  distance  into  Georgia  and  Alabama  is 
stripped  as  it  is  on  this  side,  yet  at  the  right  time  I  shall 
go  ahead,  and,  if  necessary,  feed  on  anything.  I  shall  not 
be  behindhand  when  the  grand  beginning  is  announced. 
I  can  tell  you  nothing  more. 

...  I  expect  soon  to  have  a  new  howl  against  me. 
The  pressure  to  go  in  our  cars  to  the  front  was  so  great 


228  THE  SHEEMAN  LETTERS 

and  the  difficulty  of  getting  to  Chattanooga  so  momen 
tous,  that  I  ordered  absolutely  no  citizen,  private  freight, 
or  anything  but  freight  purely  military  to  be  taken  till 
the  wants  of  the  troops  were  supplied.  .  .  . 

It  will  require  the  conjoined  energies  of  the  whole 
nation  to  meet  the  shock  this  spring,  and  it  may  be  the 
end  will  be  made  certain,  but  still  the  long,  persistent 
struggle  with  half  a  million  of  men  far  more  desperate 
than  our  old  Indians  is  yet  to  come.  .  .  . 

I  enclose  you  a  letter  of  instructions  I  made  to  my 
adjutant  Sawyer,  who  remained  at  my  headquarters, 
Huntsville,  when  I  went  to  Meridian.  I  should  not  ob 
ject  to  have  this  letter  printed,  as  it  is  something  new 
and  is  true.  Sawyer  tells  me  it  had  a  powerful  effect  on 
the  people  of  Huntsville.  As  the  letter  is  equally 
applicable  to  large  districts  still  to  be  gone  over,  its 
publication  would  do  no  harm  except  to  turn  the  Rich 
mond  press  against  me,  as  the  prince  of  barbarians. 

Yours  in  haste, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS  DEFT.  OF  THE  TENN., 

VICKSBURG,  Jan.  31,  1864. 
MAJOR  E.  M.  SAWYER, 

A.  A.  C.  Army  of  the  Tenn., 

Huntsville,  Alabama. 

Dear  Sawyer :  In  my  former  letters  I  have  answered 
all  your  questions  save  one,  and  that  relates  to  the  treat 
ment  of  inhabitants  known  or  suspected  to  be  hostile  or 
"  Secesh."  This  is  in  truth  the  most  difficult  business 
of  our  army  as  it  advances  and  occupies  the  Southern 
country.  It  is  almost  impossible  to  lay  down  rules,  and 
I  invariably  leave  the  whole  subject  to  the  local  com 
manders,  but  am  willing  to  give  them  the  benefit  of  my 


GENERAL  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  SAWYER       229 

acquired  knowledge  and  experience.  In  Europe,  whence 
we  derive  our  principles  of  war,  wars  are  between  kings 
or  rulers  through  hired  armies,  and  not  between  peoples. 
These  remain,  as  it  were,  neutral,  and  sell  their  produce 
to  whatever  army  is  in  possession. 

Napoleon  when  at  war  with  Prussia,  Austria,  and 
Eussia  bought  forage  and  provisions  of  the  inhabitants, 
and  consequently  had  an  interest  to  protect  the  farms  and 
factories  which  ministered  to  his  wants.  In  like  man 
ner  the  Allied  Armies  in  France  could  buy  of  the  French 
habitants  whatever  they  needed,  the  produce  of  the  soil 
or  manufactures  of  the  country.  Therefore,  the  gen 
eral  rule  was  and  is  that  war  is  confined  to  the  armies 
engaged,  and  should  not  visit  the  houses  of  families  or 
private  interests.  But  in  other  examples  a  different  rule 
obtained  the  sanction  of  historical  authority.  I  will 
only  instance  one,  where  in  the  siege  of  William  and 
Mary  the  English  army  occupied  Ireland,  then  in  a  state 
of  revolt.  The  inhabitants  were  actually  driven  into 
foreign  lands,  and  were  dispossessed  of  their  property 
and  a  new  population  introduced. 

To  this  day  a  large  part  of  the  north  of  Ireland  is 
held  by  the  descendants  of  the  Scotch  emigrants  sent 
there  by  William's  order  and  an  act  of  Parliament.  The 
war  which  now  prevails  in  our  land  is  essentially  a  war 
of  races.  The  Southern  people  entered  into  a  clear  com 
pact  of  government  with  us  of  the  North,  but  still  main 
tained  through  state  organizations  a  species  of  separate 
existence,  with  separate  interests,  history,  and  preju 
dices.  These  latter  became  stronger  and  stronger,  till  at 
last  they  have  led  to  war  and  have  developed  fruits  of 
the  bitterest  kind.  We  of  the  North  are  beyond  all 
question  right  in  our  cause,  but  we  are  not  bound  to 
ignore  the  fact  that  the  people  of  the  South  have  preju- 


230  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

dices  which  form  a  part  of  their  nature,  and  which  they 
cannot  throw  off  without  an  effort  of  reason  or  the  slower 
process  of  natural  change.  The  question  then  arises, 
Should  we  treat  as  absolute  enemies  all  in  the  South  who 
differ  from  us  in  opinion  or  prejudice,  kill  or  banish 
them,  or  should  we  give  them  time  to  think  and  gradu 
ally  change  their  conduct  so  as  to  conform  to  the  new 
order  of  things  which  is  slowly  and  gradually  creeping 
into  their  country  ? 

When  men  take  up  arms  to  resist  a  rightful  authority, 
we  are  compelled  to  use  like  force,  because  all  reason 
and  argument  cease  when  arms  are  resorted  to.  When 
the  provisions,  forage,  horses,  mules,  wagons,  etc.,  are 
used  by  our  enemy,  it  is  clearly  our  duty  and  right  to 
take  them  also,  because  otherwise  they  might  be  used 
against  us.  In  like  manner  all  houses  left  vacant  by  an 
inimical  people  are  clearly  our  right,  and  as  such  are 
needed  as  storehouses,  hospitals,  and  quarters.  But  the 
question  arises  as  to  dwellings  used  by  women,  children, 
and  non-combatants.  So  long  as  non-combatants  remain 
in  their  houses  and  keep  to  their  accustomed  peaceful 
business,  their  opinions  and  prejudices  can  in  no  wise 
influence  the  war,  and  therefore  should  not  be  noticed ; 
but  if  any  one  comes  out  into  the  public  streets  and  cre 
ates  disorder,  he  or  she  should  be  punished,  restrained, 
or  banished  to  the  rear  or  front,  as  the  officer  in  com 
mand  adjudges.  If  the  people,  or  any  of  them,  keep  up 
a  correspondence  with  parties  in  hostility,  they  are  spies, 
and  can  be  punished  according  to  law  with  death  or 
minor  punishment.  These  are  well-established  princi 
ples  of  war,  and  the  people  of  the  South  having  appealed 
to  war,  are  barred  from  appealing  for  protection  to  our 
constitution,  which  they  have  practically  and  publicly 
defied.  They  have  appealed  to  war,  and  must  abide  its 
rules  and  laws.  . 


THE   WAR  DUE  TO  POLITICAL  HEEEST     231 

It  is  all  idle  nonsense  for  these  Southern  planters  to 
say  that  they  made  the  South,  that  they  own  it,  and  can 
do  as  they  please  to  break  up  our  Government  and  shut 
up  the  natural  avenues  of  trade,  intercourse,  and  com 
merce.  We  know,  and  they  know,  if  they  are  intelligent 
beings,  that  as  compared  with  the  whole  world  they  are 
but  as  five  millions  to  one  thousand  millions,  that  they 
did  not  create  the  land,  that  the  only  title  to  use  and  usu-' 
fruct  is  the  deed  of  the  United  States,  and  that  if  they 
appeal  to  war  they  hold  their  all  by  a  very  insecure  ten 
ure.  For  my  part,  I  believe  that  this  war  is  the  result  of 
false  political  doctrine,  for  which  we  are  all  as  a  people 
more  or  less  responsible,  and  I  would  give  all  a  chance  to 
reflect,  and,  when  in  error,  to  recant.  I  know  the  slave 
owners,  finding  themselves  in  possession  of  a  species  of 
property  in  opposition  to  the  growing  sentiment  of  the 
whole  civilized  world,  conceived  their  property  to  be  in 
danger  and  foolishly  appealed  to  war,  and  that  by  skilful 
political  handling  they  involved  with  themselves  the 
whole  South  on  this  result  of  error  and  prejudice.  I  be 
lieve  that  some  of  the  rich  and  slave-holding  are  preju 
diced  to  an  extent  that  nothing  but  death  and  ruin  will 
ever  extinguish,  but  I  hope  that  as  the  poorer  and  in 
dustrious  classes  of  the  South  realize  their  relative  weak 
ness  and  their  dependence  upon  the  fruits  of  the  earth 
and  good-will  of  their  fellow-men  they  will  not  only  dis 
cover  the  error  of  their  ways  and  repent  of  their  hasty 
action,  but  bless  those  who  persistently  have  maintained 
a  constitutional  government  strong  enough  to  sustain 
itself,  protect  its  citizens,  and  promise  peaceful  homes  to 
millions  yet  unborn. 

If  the  people  of  Huntsville  think  differently,  let  them 
persist  in  this  war  three  years  longer,  and  then  they  will 
not  be  consulted. 


232  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

Three  years  ago,  by  a  little  reflection  and  patience,  they 
could  have  had  a  hundred  years  of  peace  and  prosperity, 
but  they  preferred  war.  Last  year  they  could  have  saved 
their  slaves,  but  now  it  is  too  late,  —  all  the  powers  of 
earth  cannot  restore  to  them  their  slaves  any  more  than 
their  dead  grandfathers.  .  .  . 

A  people  who  will  persevere  in  war  beyond  a  certain 
limit  ought  to  know  the  consequences.  Many,  many 
people,  with  less  pertinacity  than  the  South  has  already 
shown,  have  been  wiped  out  of  national  existence. 

My  own  belief  is  that  even  now  the  non-slave-holding 
classes  of  the  South  are  alienating  from  their  associates 
in  war.  Already  I  hear  crimination  and  recrimination. 
Those  who  have  property  left  should  take  warning  in 
time. 

Since  I  have  come  down  here  I  have  seen  many 
Southern  planters,  who  now  hire  their  own  negroes  and 
acknowledge  that  they  were  mistaken  and  knew  not  the 
earthquake  they  were  to  make  by  appealing  to  secession. 
They  thought  that  the  politicians  had  prepared  the  way, 
and  that  they  could  part  the  States  of  this  Union  in  peace. 
They  now  see  that  we  are  bound  together  as  one  nation 
by  indissoluble  ties,  and  that  any  interest,  or  any  fraction 
of  the  people  that  set  themselves  up  in  antagonism  to 
the  nation,  must  perish. 

Whilst  I  would  not  remit  one  jot  or  tittle  of  our  na 
tion's  rights  in  peace  or  war,  I  do  make  allowances  for 
past  political  errors  and  prejudices. 

Our  national  Congress  and  the  Supreme  Court  are  the 
proper  arenas  on  which  to  discuss  conflicting  opinions, 
and  not  the  battle-field. 

You  may  not  hear  from  me  again  for  some  time,  and  if 
you  think  it  will  do  any  good,  call  some  of  the  better 
people  of  Huntsville  together  and  explain  to  them  my 


FINANCIAL  DIFFICULTIES  233 

views.     You  may  even  read  to  them  this  letter  and  let 
them  use  it,  so  as  to  prepare  them  for  my  coming.  .  .  . 

We  are  progressing  well  in  this  quarter,  but  I  have  not 
changed  my  opinion  that  although  we  may  soon  make 
certain  the  existence  of  the  power  of  our  national  gov 
ernment,  yet  years  must  pass  before  ruffianism,  murder, 
and  robbery  will  cease  to  afflict  this  region  of  our  country. 
Your  friend, 

WM.  T.  SHERMAN, 

Major  Gen'l  Comd. 

WASHINGTON,  D.C.,  April  17, 1864. 

My  Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  Our  finances  are  bubbling  up 
and  down  in  that  feverish  state  where  a  panic  might 
easily  come.  Chase  is  a  man  of  ability,  but  in  recent 
measures  he  has  failed.  I  have  been  generally  the  labor 
ing  one  in  the  Senate,  on  these  measures,  though  very 
often  my  judgment  has  been  against  them.  I  have  felt 
like  a  subordinate  officer,  who,  while  he  does  not  approve 
the  plan  of  operations,  yet  deems  it  his  duty  fairly  to 
execute  his  part  of  it  rather  than  by  fault-finding  to 
impair  it.  The  war  is  daily  driving  us  to  extraordinary 
measures,  and  our  form  of  Government  is  not  unit  enough 
to  carry  them  out.  We  are  embarrassed  by  state  banks, 
state  laws,  and  local  issues  and  interests.  The  other 
day  a  determined  effort  was  made  in  New  York  to  run 
gold  up  to  200,  but  was  promptly  met  by  a  free  sale  by 
the  Government  of  gold  and  exchange,  and  the  move 
ment  failed.  It  was  aided  by  this  very  bad  news  from 
Fort  Pillow,  not  so  bad  from  the  loss  of  men,  but  from 
the  question  of  retaliation  raised  by  the  massacre  of 
negro  troops.  We  all  feel  that  we  must  either  disband 
negro  troops  or  protect  them.  It  is  fearful  to  think 
about  the  measures  that  may  be  necessary,  but  what  else 


234  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

can  we  do  ?  An  investigation  will  be  made  by  the  Sec 
retary  of  War  and  by  Congress,  and  if  the  rebels  are 
determined  to  massacre  prisoners,  then  a  new  and  terri 
ble  stage  of  this  war  will  be  commenced.  .  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

On  March  18th,  1864,  General  Sherman  relieved  Gen 
eral  Grant  of  the  command  of  the  Military  Division  of 
the  Mississippi.  During  the  spring  and  summer  of  that 
year  he  was  busily  engaged  provisioning  and  moving  his 
great  army  into  Georgia,  following  General  Joseph  E. 
Johnston  according  to  orders  from  General  Grant.  On 
May  20th  and  June  9th,  he  writes  from  the  heart  of 
Georgia. 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION 

OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI, 
KINGSTON,  GA.,  May  20,  1864. 

Dear  Brother:  I  have  daily  telegraphed  to  General 
Halleck  our  progress,  and  have  no  doubt  you  have  kept 
pace  with  our  movement.  Johnston  had  chosen  Dalton 
as  his  place  of  battle,  but  he  had  made  all  the  roads  to 
it  so  difficult  that  I  resolved  to  turn  it,  so  I  passed  my 
army  through  a  pass  twenty  miles  south  of  Dalton  and 
forced  him  to  battle  at  Resaca.  That,  too,  was  very  strong, 
but  we  beat  him  at  all  points,  and  as  I  had  got  a  bridge 
across  the  Oostenaula  below  him  and  was  gradually  get 
ting  to  his  rear,  he  again  abandoned  his  position  in  the 
night  and  I  have  been  pushing  my  force  after  him  as  fast 
as  possible;  yet  his  knowledge  of  ths  country  and  the 
advantage  of  a  good  railroad  to  his  rear  enabled  him  to 
escape  me,  but  I  now  have  full  possession  of  all  the  rich 
country  of  the  Etowah.  We  occupy  Home,  Kingston, 
and  Cassville.  I  have  repaired  fhe  railroad  to  these 
points  and  now  have  ordered  the  essential  supplies  for- 


OFF  FOE  ATLANTA  235 

ward  to  replenish,  our  wagons,  when  I  will  make  for 
Atlanta,  fifty-nine  miles  from  here  and  about  fifty  from 
the  advance.  Johnston  has  halted  across  the  Etowah  at 
a  place  called  Allatoona,  where  the  railroad  and  common 
road  passes  through,  a  spur  of  the  mountain,  making  one 
of  those  formidable  passes  which  gives  an  army  on  the 
defensive  so  much  advantage,  but  I  propose  to  cross  the 
Etowah  here  and  to  go  for  Marietta  via  Dallas.  Look 
at  your  map  and  you  will  see  the  move.  We  expect  to 
cross  the  Etowah  on  the  23d,  when  we  will  move  straight 
on  fighting  when  opposed.  Of  course  our  laboring  and  dif 
ficulties  increase  as  we  progress,  whereas  our  enemy  gains 
strength  by  picking  up  his  rear  guard  and  detachments. 

Put  forth  the  whole  strength  of  the  nation  now,  and  if 
we  can't  whip  the  South  we  must  bow  our  necks  in 
patient  submission.  A  division  of  our  territory  by  the 
old  lines  is  impossible.  Grant  surely  is  fighting  hard 
enough,  and  I  think  this  army  will  make  its  mark. 

Your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION 

OF   THE  MISSISSIPPI, 
ACWORTH,  GA.,  9  June,  1864. 

Dear  Brother :  It  is  out  of  all  reason  to  expect  me  to 
write  much,  and  I  know  you  do  not  expect  it.  Were  I  to 
attempt  narration,  it  would  swell  to  unreasonable  lengths, 
and  even  in  my  communication  to  the  War  Department 
I  must  confine  myself  almost  to  generalities.  Suffice  it 
to  say  that  General  Grant  and  I  had  a  perfect  under 
standing,  and  all  things  are  now  as  near  our  calculations 
as  possible,  save  and  except  that  the  Red  River  failure  has 
clipped  from  the  general  plan  our  main  feature,  a  simul- 


236  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

taneous  attack  on  Mobile  from  New  Orleans.  But  the 
Eed  River  expedition  is  out,  and  I  have  substituted  a 
smaller  force  subject  to  my  own  orders,  in  lieu  of  the 
larger  one  contemplated  made  up  by  General  Banks. 

My  long  and  single  line  of  railroad  to  my  rear,  of 
limited  capacity,  is  the  delicate  point  of  my  game,  as  also 
the  fact  that  all  of  Georgia,  except  the  cleared  bottoms, 
is  densely  wooded,  with  few  roads,  and  at  any  point  an 
enterprising  enemy  can,  in  a  few  hours  with  axes  and 
spades,  make  across  our  path  formidable  works,  whilst 
his  sharp-shooters,  spies,  and  scouts,  in  the  guise  of  peace 
able  farmers,  can  hang  around  us  and  kill  our  wagonmen, 
messengers,  and  couriers.  It  is  a  big  Indian  war ;  still 
thus  far  I  have  won  four  strong  positions,  advanced  a 
hundred  miles,  and  am  in  possession  of  a  large  wheat- 
growing  region  and  all  the  iron  mines  and  works  of 
Georgia.  Johnston's  army  is  still  at  my  front  and  can 
fight  or  fall  back,  as  he  pleases.  The  future  is  uncertain, 
but  I  will  do  all  that  is  possible. 
As  ever, 

Your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

After  the  adjournment  of  the  Senate  in  the  spring  of 
1864,  John  Sherman  returned  to  Ohio,  where  he  spent 
the  spring  and  summer. 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  July  24, 1864. 

My  Dear  Brother:  I  have  not  written  you  for  some 
time  as  I  knew  you  were  so  well  occupied  and  hoped  by 
this  time  you  have  attained  the  goal  of  your  present 
movements,  Atlanta.  We  all  feel  that  upon  Grant  and 
you,  and  the  armies  under  your  command,  the  fate  of  this 
country  depends.  If  you  are  successful,  it  is  ardently 


SHERMAN'S  POPULARITY  IN   OHIO          237 

hoped  that  peace  may  soon  follow  with  a  restored  union. 
If  you  fail,  the  wisest  can  hope  for  nothing  but  a  long 
train  of  disasters  and  the  strife  of  factions.  All  our 
people  cling  to  the  hope  of  success,  and  seem  perfectly 
willing  to  submit  to  taxation,  bad  administration,  and 
every  ill  short  of  disunion.  Whether  it  is  the  result  of 
education,  the  constant  warnings  of  the  early  Southern 
statesman,  or  the  reason  of  the  thing,  everybody  here 
dreads  the  breaking  up  of  the  union  as  the  beginning  of 
anarchy.  The  very  thing  they  fight  for  in  the  South  is 
for  them,  and  for  us,  the  worst  calamity.  What  can  be 
more  terrible  than  the  fate  of  Kentucky  and  Missouri. 
A  man  cannot  go  to  bed  at  night,  except  in  fear  of  the 
knife  and  torch.  This  lawlessness  will  extend  all  over 
the  country  if  we  do  not  have  military  success.  All  the 
clamor  the  Copperheads  can  make  about  personal  liberty 
doesn't  affect  the  people,  if  they  can  only  see  security 
and  success.  Bad  precedents  in  time  of  war  will  easily 
be  corrected  by  peace.  But  the  anarchy  of  unsuccessful 
war  will  reduce  us  to  a  pitiable  state,  in  which  we  shall 
easily  fall  victims  to  demagogism  or  tyranny.  Every 
one  feels  that  you  have  done  your  part  nobly.  Grant 
has  not  had  such  success.  No  doubt  he  has  done  as  well 
as  any  one  could  with  his  resources  and  such  adversaries. 
Still  he  has  not  taken  Richmond,  and  I  fear  will  not  this 
campaign.  .  .  . 

I  congratulate  you  on  the  ability  and  success  of  your 
campaign.  I  see  many  officers,  and  they  all  speak  of  it, 
not  only  as  a  success  but  as  a  scientific  success,  evincing 
abilities  of  a  high  order.  I  found  on  a  short  visit  to 
Cincinnati  that  you  were  very  popular  there.  I  saw 
Anderson,  Swords,  Dunn,  and  a  host  of  others,  all  of 
whom  entertained  great  kindness  for  you.  .  .  . 
Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 


238  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

The  following  letter  of  Aug.  12,  1864,  written  from 
Atlanta,  Ga.,  to  Hon.  Schuyler  Colfax,  in  answer  to  a 
request  from  him  to  allow  soldiers  to  return  to  their 
homes  to  vote,  shows  the  intense  feeling  General  Sherman 
had  regarding  the  political  use  of  the  soldiers  during  the 
war.  This  letter  was  sent  through  John  Sherman,  and 
is  in  his  letter-book. 


HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI. 
IN  THE  FIELD,  ATLANTA,  Aug.  12,  1864. 

SCHUYLER  COLFAX,  Esq., 
South  Bend,  Ind. 

My  Dear  Sir :  John  Sherman  has  sent  me  your  letter 
of  Aug.  2d,  in  which  you  intimate  a  wish  that  certain 
nine  regiments  of  Indiana  troops  should  be  ordered 
where  they  can  be  furloughed  so  as  to  vote  in  the  fall 
elections. 

Of  course  it  is  impossible.  I  have  not  now  troops 
enough  to  do  what  the  case  admits  of  without  extra  haz 
ard,  and  to  send  away  a  single  man  would  be  an  act  of 
injustice  to  the  remainder.  I  think  you  need  not  be 
concerned  about  the  soldiers'  vote.  They  will  vote,  —  it 
may  not  be  in  the  coming  election,  —  but  you  may  rest 
assured  the  day  will  come  when  the  soldiers  will  vote, 
and  the  only  doubt  is  if  they  will  permit  the  stay-at- 
homes  to  vote  at  all. 

I  hope  you  will  be  elected;  but  I  do  think  the  con 
script-law  is  the  only  one  that  is  wanted  for  the  next 
few  years,  and  if  the  President  uses  it  freely  he  can 
checkmate  the  Copperheads,  who  are  not  in  favor  of 
being  governed  by  Jeff  Davis,  but  are  afraid  to  go  to  the 
war.  Their  motives  are  transparent.  Jeff  Davis  de 
spises  them  more  than  you  do,  and  if  he  prevails  in  this 
war  he  will  deal  with  Copperheads  with  infinitely  more 


THE  OCCUPATION   OF  ATLANTA  239 

severity  than   lie  will   with,  men  who   fight  for   their 
country  and  for  principle. 

I  am,  etc., 

W.  T.  SHERMAN, 

Major-  Genera  I. 

On  Sept.  4th  John  Sherman  writes  from  Mansfield, 
Ohio :  — 

We  have  just  heard  of  the  occupation  of  Atlanta  by 
your  forces,  and  that  a  battle  had  occurred  at  West 
Point,  in  which  Harvie  was  killed  and  our  side  victo 
rious.  This  is  glorious  news,  and  I  sincerely  congratu 
late  you  on  your  part  of  a  campaign  remarkable  for  the 
difficulties  overcome,  and  for  your  skill  and  energy.  As 
the  possession  of  Atlanta  was  the  ostensible  point  of 
your  whole  campaign,  its  possession  is  a  complete  tri 
umph,  though  I  suppose  it  the  beginning  of  new  move 
ments.  You  will  be  assisted  by  the  capture  of  Mobile, 
and  I  hope  by  the  gunboat  occupation  of  the  river  to 
Montgomery.  From  the  map  I  judge  that  Atlanta  is 
about  equally  distant  from  Augusta  and  Montgomery, 
the  occupation  of  either  of  which  would  cut  in  two  the 
Confederacy.  We  are  looking  for  details  of  your  recent 
movements  with  anxiety.  .  .  . 

The  nomination  of  McClellan  makes  a  closer  fight  in 
the  political  arena  than  I  hoped.  .  .  . 

I  believe  Lincoln's  election  necessary  to  prevent  dis 
union,  and  support  him  with  all  my  might. 

General  Sherman's  letters  during  the  summer  and 
autumn  of  1864  were  very  hurried  and  infrequent,  and 
he  seems  to  have  received  few  from  his  brother.  On 
Sept.  17th  he  writes  from  Atlanta,  Ga.,  in  a  letter  other 
wise  devoted  to  family  affairs  :  — 


240  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

We  are  all  in  good  condition  here,  and  await  the  next 
great  combination  which  will  carry  me  deeper  and  deeper 
into  the  heart  of  Georgia. 

And  on  Oct.  llth  from  Kingston,  Ga. :  — 

Hood  swung  over  against  my  road  and  broke  it  this 
side  of  Marietta,  and  forced  me  to  come  out  of  Atlanta 
to  drive  him  off.  He  sheered  off  to  the  west,  and  is  now 
below  Rome.  I  have  taken  position  here  where  I  can 
watch  him.  I  still  hold  Atlanta  in  strength,  and  have 
so  many  detachments  guarding  the  railroad  that  Hood 
thinks  he  may  venture  to  fight  me.  He  certainly  sur 
passes  me  in  the  quantity  and  quality  of  cavalry,  which 
hangs  all  around  and  breaks  the  railroad  and  telegraph 
wires  every  night.  You  can  imagine  what  a  task  I  have, 
138  miles  of  railroad,  and  my  forces  falling  off  very  fast. 
I  hear  some  new  regiments  are  now  arriving  at  Nash 
ville,  and  they  may  strengthen  my  line  so  that  I  may  go 
ahead,  but  Mobile  or  Savannah  should  be  taken  before 
I  venture  further.  I  am  far  beyond  all  other  columns. 

On  Dec.  18th  John  Sherman  writes  from  the  Senate  in 
Washington,  after  hearing  news  of  the  march  through 
Georgia :  — 

I  need  hardly  congratulate  you  on  your  magnificent 
campaign  through  Georgia.  This  has  been  and  will  be 
done  so  often  that  you  will  not  need  anything  from  me  011 
the  subject.  We  have  watched  with  the  deepest  interest 
every  step  of  your  march  that  we  could  trace  through 
the  rebel  papers.  A  very  excellent  map  from  the  Coast 
Survey  is  posted  in  my  room,  marked  with  your  stopping- 
places,  and  has  daily  been  changed,  as  you  progressed  to 
the  coast.  No  such  anxiety  has  been  evinced  in  any  cam- 


LINCOLN'S  SECOND  ELECTION  241 

paign  by  all  classes,  as  in  yours.  We  now  hear  rumors 
of  the  capture  of  Savannah.  I  hope  we  shall  get  official 
advices  to-day.  I  live  next  door  to  Stanton,  and  he 
favors  me  with  the  despatches  when  they  come.  By 
the  way,  he  is  your  fast  friend,  and  was  when  you  had 
fewer. 

The  election  of  Lincoln  scarcely  raised  a  ripple  on 
the  surface.  It  was  anticipated.  Even  the  Democratic 
congressmen  seem  willing  to  acquiesce  cheerfully,  and 
silently  submit  to  all  measures  deemed  necessary.  In 
Congress  we  have  but  little  to  do.  New  taxes  and  loans 
are  the  principal  point  of  legislation.  We  will  impose 
taxes  enough.  Hitherto  New  England  influence  has  pre 
vented  suitable  taxation,  but  now  its  necessity  is  impera 
tive.  I  am  assigned  Fessenden's  place  in  the  Senate  as 
Chairman  of  Finance,  and  have  enough  to  do.  Chase  is 
Chief  Justice.  .  .  . 

I  could  send  you  letters  from  very  distinguished  per 
sons,  very  complimentary  to  you,  but  you  will  have 
enough  of  that  incense. 

The  march  to  Atlanta  and  its  capture  consumes  the 
spring  and  summer  months,  the  Union  armies  entering 
Atlanta  in  the  first  days  of  September,  1864.  The  fall 
months  were  occupied  by  the  march  to  Savannah,  and  that 
city  was  evacuated  by  the  Southern  armies  Dec.  21, 1864. 
No  letters  appear  to  have  been  written  by  General  Sher 
man  during  the  march  from  Atlanta  to  Savannah.  In 
the  next  letter,  written  Dec.  31st,  from  Savannah,  he 
says : — 

I  hear  the  soldiers  talk  as  I  ride  by,  "  There  goes  the 
old  man.  All  's  right."  Not  a  waver,  doubt,  or  hesita 
tion  when  I  order,  and  men  march  to  certain  death  with 
out  a  murmur  if  I  call  on  them,  because  they  know  I 


242  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

value  their  lives  as  much  as  my  own.  I  do  not  feel  any 
older,  and  have  no  gray  hairs  yet.  My  health  is  good, 
and,  save  a  little  rheumatism  in  my  right  arm  during  the 
last  march,  I  have  not  been  indisposed  a  day,  and  even 
then  I  rode  daily  my  march.  ...  I  do  not  fear  want  of 
appreciation,  but,  on  the  contrary,  that  an  exaggerated 
faith  will  be  generated  in  my  ability,  that  no  man  can 
fulfil.  ...  I  cannot  do  anything  looking  to  permanency 
till  the  war  is  ended.  Thomas'  success  in  Tennessee, 
which  was  part  of  my  plan,  will  go  far  to  assure  the 
safety  of  the  Ohio  Valley. 

The  following  order,  issued  to  his  army  after  the  cap 
ture  of  Savannah  and  the  news  of  the  victory  at  Nash 
ville,  General  Sherman  forwarded  to  John  Sherman,  and 
it  is  in  his  letter-book. 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OP  THE  MISSISSIPPI. 
IN  THE  FIELD,  SAVANNAH,  GA.  ,  Jan.  8,  1865. 

Special  Field  Orders } 
No.  6.  } 

The  General  commanding  announces  to  the  troops  com 
posing  the  Military  Division  of  the  Mississippi,  that  he 
has  received  from  the  President  of  the  United  States  and 
from  Lieutenant  General  Grant,  letters  conveying  their 
high  sense  and  appreciation  of  the  campaign  just  closed 
resulting  in  the  capture  of  Savannah  and  the  defeat  of 
Hood's  army  in  Tennessee. 

In  order  that  all  may  understand  the  importance  of 
events  it  is  proper  to  revert  to  the  situation  of  affairs  in 
September  last.  We  held  Atlanta,  a  city  of  little  value 
to  us,  but  so  important  to  the  enemy  that  Mr.  Davis,  the 
head  of  the  rebellious  faction  in  the  South,  visited  his 
army  near  Palmetto,  and  commanded  it  to  regain  it,  as 


THE   VICTORY  OF  NASHVILLE  243 

well  as  to  ruin  and  destroy  us  by  a  series  of  measures 
which,  he  thought  would  be  effectual.  That  army,  by  a 
rapid  march,  gained  our  railroad  near  Big  Shanty,  and 
afterwards  about  Dalton.  We  pursued  it,  but  it  moved 
so  rapidly  that  we  could  not  overtake  it,  and  General 
Hood  led  his  army  successfully  far  over  towards  Missis 
sippi  in  hopes  to  decoy  us  out  of  Georgia.  But  we  were 
not  thus  to  be  led  away  by  him,  and  preferred  to  lead 
and  control  events  ourselves.  Generals  Thomas  and  Scho- 
field,  commanding  departments  to  our  rear,  returned  to 
their  posts  and  prepared  to  decoy  General  Hood  into  their 
meshes,  whilst  we  came  on  to  complete  the  original  jour 
ney.  We  quietly  and  deliberately  destroyed  Atlanta  and 
all  the  railroads  which  the  enemy  had  used  to  carry  on 
war  against  us,  occupied  the  state  capitol  and  then  cap 
tured  his  commercial  capital,  which  had  been  so  strongly 
fortified  from  the  sea  as  to  defy  approach  from  that 
quarter. 

Almost  at  the  moment  of  our  victorious  entry  into 
Savannah,  came  the  welcome  and  expected  news  that  our 
comrades  in  Tennessee  had  also  fulfilled  nobly  and  well 
their  part,  had  decoyed  General  Hood  to  Nashville,  and 
then  turned  on  him,  defeating  his  army  thoroughly,  cap 
turing  nearly  all  his  artillery,  great  numbers  of  prisoners, 
and  were  still  pursuing  the  fugitives  down  into  Alabama. 
So  complete  a  success  in  military  operations  extending 
over  a  half  a  continent  is  an  achievement  that  entitles  it 
to  a  place  in  the  military  history  of  the  world.  The 
armies  serving  in  Georgia  and  Tennessee,  as  well  as  the 
local  garrisons  of  Decatur,  Bridgeport,  Chattanooga,  and 
Murfreesboro,  are  alike  entitled  to  the  common  honors, 
and  each  regiment  may  inscribe  on  its  colors  at  pleasure 
the  words  "  Savannah  "  or  "  Nashville." 

The  General-in-Chief  embraces  in  the   same   general 


244  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

success  the  operations  of  the  cavalry  column  under  Gen 
erals  Stoneman,  Burbridge,  and  Gillem,  that  penetrated 
into  southwest  Virginia  and  paralyzed  the  efforts  of  the 
enemy  to  disturb  the  peace  and  safety  of  east  Tennessee. 
Instead  of  being  put  on  the  defensive,  we  have  at  all 
points  assumed  the  bold  offensive,  and  completely 
thwarted  the  designs  of  the  enemies  of  our  country. 
By  Order  of  Major  General, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


VII 

Enthusiasm  over  the  capture  of  Savannah  and  the  victory  of  Nash 
ville —  Lee's  sorrow  —  The  terms  to  Johnston  —  Stanton's  motives 
in  the  controversy  —  Difficulties  of  reconstruction  —  Ordered  to 
command  the  Division  of  the  Mississippi  at  St.  Louis  —  Letter  of 
General  Cox  on  negro  suffrage  —  Stanton's  interference  with  army 
discipline  —  John  Sherman's  views  on  reconstruction  —  General 
Sherman  on  the  submission  of  the  Southern  people  —  Effect  of  the 
war  on  the  ideas  of  leading  capitalists  —  The  new  oath  of  allegiance 

—  Grant's  report  —  The  march  north  from  Savannah  —  Re-election 
of  Senator  Sherman  —  Dangerous  policy  of  Sumner  and  Stevens 

—  The  burning  of  Columbia  —  Grant's  political  ambition  —  Letter 
from  Superintendent  Boyd 

THE  enthusiasm  created  in  the  North  by  the  capture  of 
Savannah  and  the  victory  at  Nashville  occasioned  much 
talk  of  General  Sherman's  promotion,  and  even  some 
political  rumors  concerning  the  use  of  his  name  in  future 
elections.  On  Jan.  22,  1865,  he  writes  from  Savannah, 
touching  upon  these  rumors. 

I  start  to-day  for  the  advance  of  my  army  at  Poco- 
taligo,  but  we  have  had  such  storms  and  rains  that  the 
whole  country  is  under  water,  but  we  will  be  off  as  soon 
as  possible.  No  one  is  more  alive  to  the  importance  of 
time  than  I  am. 

I  wrote  you  that  I  deem  it  unwise  to  make  an 
other  Lieutenant-General,  or  to  create  the  rank  of 
General.  Let  the  law  stand  as  now.  I  will  accept  no 
commission  that  would  tend  to  create  a  rivalry  with 
Grant.  I  want  him  to  hold  what  he  has  earned  and  got. 
I  have  all  the  rank  I  want.  .  .  . 

If  you  ever  hear  anybody  use  my  name  in  connection 
with  a  political  office,  tell  them  you  know  me  well  enough 

245 


246  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

to  assure  them  that  I  would  be  offended  by  such  associa 
tion.  I  would  rather  be  an  engineer  of  a  railroad,  than 
President  of  the  United  States,  or  any  political  officer. 
Of  military  titles  I  have  now  the  maximum,  and  it  makes 
no  difference  whether  that  be  Major-General  or  Marshal. 
It  means  the  same  thing.  I  have  commanded  one  hun 
dred  thousand  men  in  battle,  and  on  the  march,  success 
fully  and  without  confusion,  and  that  is  enough  for 
reputation.  Next,  I  want  rest  and  peace,  and  they  can 
only  be  had  through  war.  You  will  hear  of  me,  but  not 
from  me  for  some  time. 

Affectionately  your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

The  next  letter  from  General  Sherman  is  a  short  and 
hurried  one  of  April  6th  from  Goldsboro  after  he  had 
completed  the  last  and  most  difficult  part  of  his  march ; 
i.e.  425  miles  from  Savannah  to  Goldsboro,  through 
marshy  land,  during  much  rainy  weather,  following 
Johnston's  retreating  army,  and  with  five  large  navi 
gable  rivers,  with  their  bridges  burned,  to  cross.  He 
says: — 


Railroads  work  well,  our  supplies  are  well  up,  and  we 
shall  march  next  Monday,  April  10.  The  next  two 
months  will  demonstrate  whether  we  can  manoeuvre  Lee 
out  of  Eichmond  and  whip  him  in  open  battle. 

In  a  note  of  April  llth,  John  Sherman,  writing  from 
Ohio,  says  of  Lee's  surrender :  "  The  news  from  Grant  is 
so  glorious  that  the  whole  country  is  wild  with  joy." 

The  terms  of  General  Johnston's  surrender,  in  which 
General  Sherman  believed  he  was  fulfilling  Mr.  Lin 
coln's  instructions,  were  disapproved  at  Washington, 
General  Grant  was  sent  to  supersede  him  in  command, 
and  General  Halleck  issued  orders  to  Sherman's  generals 


THE  TERMS   WITH  JOHNSTON  247 

"  to  pay  no  regard  to  any  truce  or  order  of  General  Sher 
man's."  l  These  harsh  measures,  which  General  Sherman 
believed  to  be  quite  unnecessary,  inasmuch  as  the  terms 
of  surrender  awaited  the  approval  of  authority  at  Wash 
ington  before  they  could  be  acted  upon,  deeply  wounded 
him,  as  the  following  letters  show. 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION 

OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI, 
AT  SEA,  April  8,  1865.     Steamer  Russia. 

Dear  Brother :  We  are  now  running  in  from  Cape 
Henry  Light  and  expect  to  reach  Old  Point  by  ten 
o'clock  to-night.  The  ship  vibrates  so  I  can  hardly 
write,  but  I  must  give  you  a  few  items.  I  have  been  to 
Savannah,  Charleston,  Wilmington,  and  Morehead  City, 
closing  up  certain  matters,  whilst  my  army  is  marching 
up  from  Ealeigh  to  Eichmond.  I  will  look  for  the  ad 
vance  at  City  Point  by  the  llth,  and  hope  we  will  be 
ordered  on  to  Washington  to  be  mustered  out.  The 
South  is  whipped  and  submissive,  and  if  any  statesman 
ship  is  displayed  will  be  the  last  part  of  our  country  to 
rebel  again.  Thirty  thousand  surrendered  at  Goldsboro, 
and  other  scattered  bands  are  surrendering  at  Tallahassee, 
Macon,  Augusta,  and  different  posts,  that  will  swell  the 
number  to  50,000.  We  might  as  well  have  had  Taylor's 
army  in  Alabama,  and  Smith's  in  Texas,  but  of  that  here 
after.  On  my  way  up  the  coast  I  met  the  New  York 
papers  of  the  24th  and  28th,  which  were  dead  against 
me.  Of  course  I  expected  that,  but  I  did  not  expect 
Halleck  and  Stanton.  They  suppressed  everything,  save 
parts  that  by  context  with  matters  I  never  saw  made  a 
plausible  case,  but  when  I  make  my  official  report  of  the 
whole  you  will  appreciate  the  game  they  have  attempted. 
I  met  Mr.  Chase  at  Morehead  City,  and  even  he  was  sur- 

1  See  Memoirs  of  General  W.  T.  Sherman. 


248  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

prised  to  learn  what  I  knew  and  told  him,  and  I  have 
from  him  the  clue  to  the  whole,  which  I  must  suppress 
for  the  time  being. 

Grant  at  Kaleigh  got  his  eyes  opened  also.  I  expect 
to  spend  the  summer  in  Ohio,  and  we  can  discuss  every 
thing  with  my  books  and  records  before  you ;  but  in  the 
meantime  do  not  commit  yourself  to  any  plan  of  recon 
struction,  but  let  Stanton  try  his  hand  and  watch  the 
consequences.  My  belief  is  that  to  force  the  enfranchised 
negroes,  as  "loyal"  voters  at  the  South,  will  produce 
new  riot  and  war,  and  I  fear  Sumner,  Wilson,  and  men  of 
that  school  will  force  it  on  the  Government  or  prolong 
the  war  ad  infinitum.  My  army  won't  fight  in  that  war. 
The  slaves  are  free,  but  are  not  yet  voters.  The  time 
has  not  yet  come.  Such  a  course  will  alienate  a  strength 
your  party  cannot  spare.  Don't  fear  me  turning  politi 
cian.  Nothing  changes  my  unalterable  resolution,  and 
you  may  so  announce  it.  ... 

Yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

John  Sherman  spent  the  spring  of  1865  in  Ohio,  and 
was  there  when  he  heard  of  his  brother's  arrangement 
with  General  Johnston.  He  writes  of  this  in  the  two 
following  letters. 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  May  2,  1865. 

My  Dear  Brother :  Since  my  return  home  I  have  been 
constantly  and  often  painfully  engaged.  I  spoke  at  a 
general  jubilee  at  Columbus  on  the  day  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
assassination.  This  tragic  event  suspended  business,  and 
cast  a  general  gloom  over  all  things.  .  .  . 

The  universal  topic  of  conversation  and  of  discussion 
in  the  newspapers  was  your  arrangement  with  Johnston, 
and  it  is  fair  to  say  it  was  generally  disapproved.  The 


CONDEMNATION   OF  STANTON  249 

stipulation  to  secure  to  the  rebels  their  property  was 
construed  to  mean  slaves,  —  an  impossible  condition  after 
we  had  induced  them  to  enter  our  service  by  promise  of 
freedom.  It  was  felt  also  that  to  give  them  the  benefit 
of  their  state  organizations  with  all  their  political  power 
would  be  unjust  to  those  who  have  been  friendly  to  us, 
especially  in  the  border  States,  and  would  inevitably  lead 
to  a  renewal  of  the  war.  But  while  the  arrangement 
was  disapproved,  the  manner  in  which  Stanton  and  Hal- 
leek  treated  it,  and  especially  the  gross  and  damnable 
perversions  of  many  of  the  papers  and  their  arraignment 
of  your  motives,  was  more  severely  condemned  than 
your  arrangement.  The  conduct  of  Grant  is  deserving 
of  the  highest  praise.  I  shall  always  feel  grateful  to 
him.  What  you  were  reported  to  have  said  about  the 
effect  of  a  single  mistake  proved  literally  true.  For  a 
time,  you  lost  all  the  popularity  gained  by  your  achieve 
ments.  But  now  the  reaction  has  commenced,  and  you 
find  some  defenders,  but  many  more  to  denounce  the 
base  and  malicious  conduct  of  a  gang  of  envious  scamps, 
who  seized  upon  this  matter  as  a  pretext  for  calumny. 
What  to  make  of  Stanton,  I  don't  know.  I  was  beyond 
measure  surprised  at  his  conduct.  He  telegraphs  me 
that  he  has  written  me  in  full.  I  still  think  he  only 
gave  away  to  passion,  and  not  to  envy  or  malice.  If  you, 
have  time,  I  hope  to  have  some  explanation  from  you. 
I  suppose  the  war  is  about  over,  and  you  will,  I  trust, 
come  to  Ohio. 

Affectionately, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  May  16,  1865. 

Dear  Brother :  Your  letter  of  the  8th  is  received  this 
morning,  and  at  the  same  moment  I  hear  through  K.  W. 


250  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

that  you  will  be  in  Lancaster  to-day.  I  wrote  you 
some  days  ago  about  public  opinion  as  to  your  ar 
rangement  with  Johnston,  but  presume  you  did  not  get 
it.  It  is  now  manifest  that  many  high  officials  seized 
upon  that  arrangement  to  ruin  you,  and  you  will  not  be 
wise  if  you  allow  them  to  do  it.  Especially  don't  ever 
think  of  resigning.  Your  position  is  too  high  and  val 
uable  to  be  drawn  from  it  by  temporary  hostile  political 
power.  Remember  the  case  of  Scott  after  the  Mexican 
War.  The  mystery  to  me  is  that  Stanton  acted  as  he 
did.  If  his  motive  was  malicious,  he  is  certainly  the 
worst  devil  I  ever  read  of.  He  manifested  and  assumed 
the  intensest  kindness  for  you,  and  certainly  showed  it 
to  me.  I  still  think  that  with  him  it  was  mere  anger, 
—  the  explosion  of  a  very  bad  temper, —  and  if  so,  I 
sincerely  trust  no  breach  will  be  made.  With  Halleck 
I  was  not  disappointed.  Has  Johnson  any  enmity  to 
you?  I  have  not  seen  him  since  his  elevation,  and  have 
feared  he  was  at  the  bottom  of  the  business.  It  is  also 
manifest  to  me,  that  the  bitter  hostility  shown  you 
springs  partly  from  political  jealousy, —  a  fear  of  the 
future.  Much  of  this  is  aimed  at  me.  I  have  observed 
that  every  man  who  is  opposed  to  me  is  eager  to  assail 
you,  while  my  personal  friends,  even  among  the  Radi 
cals,  have  defended  you.  .  .  .  Chase,  you  know,  is  in 
favor  of  negro  suffrage,  and  Jay  and  Henry  Cooke  are 
old  Republicans,  yet  they  have  uniformly,  in  public  and 
in  social  circles,  sustained  you.  So  with  the  news 
papers.  The  feeling  has  so  subsided  and  reacted  that 
you  can  afford  to  be  calm  and  cautious.  Grant  is  a 
jewel.  I  hope  two  things, —  that  you  will  have  no  con 
troversy  with  him,  and  never  resign. 

It  was  my  purpose  to  go  to-morrow  to  Washington, 
but  I  will  now  delay  it  until  Friday  or  Saturday.     I 


NEGRO  SUFFRAGE  251 

suppose  you  will  soon  return  to  Washington.     I  may  be 
there  some  days,  and  hope  to  meet  you  there.  .  .  . 

Now  as  to  your  arrangement  with  Johnston.  I  think 
the  judgment  of  unprejudiced  men  has  settled  upon  the 
conviction  that  your  terms  were  too  liberal.  The  rec 
ognition  of  the  rebel  state  organizations,  now  completely 
in  the  hands  of  the  worst  men  of  the  South,  will  not  an 
swer.  They  could  perpetuate  their  sway,  and  we  should 
inevitably  have  new  difficulties.  Lincoln  first  recognized 
the  Legislature  of  Virginia,  but  after  full  reflection  aban 
doned  it.  Why  did  not  Stanton  and  Halleck  denounce 
Lincoln?  And  why  suppress  the  fact  that  you  were 
acting  in  accordance  with  that  precedent?  Still  I  think 
it  was  not  advisable  to  recognize  the  state  officials.  In 
my  opinion,  it  would  have  been  wise  for  you  to  have 
insisted  upon  the  recognition  of  the  emancipation  proc 
lamation,  at  least  until  the  courts  passed  upon  it.  It  would 
be  very  wrong  to  let  these  rebels  enjoy  again  the  unpaid 
labor  of  their  slaves.  Both  these  questions  are  past. 

As  to  negro  suffrage,  I  admit  the  negroes  are  not  intel 
ligent  enough  to  vote,  but  some  one  must  vote  their 
political  representation  in  the  States  where  they  live, 
and  their  representation  is  increased  by  their  being  free. 
Who  shall  exercise  this  political  power?  Shall  the  rebels 
do  so?  If  yes,  will  they  not  now  in  effect  restore  slavery? 

Will  they  not  oppress  the  negroes?  Is  it  not  hard  to 
turn  these  negroes  over  to  the  laws  made  by  the  very 
men  who  endeavored  to  overthrow  the  Government? 
After  all,  how  much  more  ignorant  are  these  slaves  than 
the  uneducated  white  people  down  South?  I  assure  you, 
that  while  I  will  not  commit  myself  on  these  matters,  I 
feel  sorely  troubled  about  them,  and  would  be  glad  to 
talk  with  you  in  respect  to  them.  .  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 


252  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

The  letters  of  the  years  following  the  war  treat  en 
tirely  of  the  difficulties  of  reconstruction.  John  Sher 
man,  while  firmly  attached  to  the  Republican  party, 
endeavored  through  all  these  troubles  to  be  moder 
ate  and  conciliatory.  But  he  believed  it  necessary  to 
extend  suffrage  to  the  negroes,  and  was  intensely  opposed 
to  Mr.  Johnson  and  his  policies.  General  Sherman, 
on  the  other  hand,  never  acknowledged  allegiance  to 
any  party,  and  resented  all  appearance  of  such  alle 
giance.  He  opposed  universal  suffrage,  and  believed  that 
extending  it  to  negroes  was  but  adding  to  an  existing 
evil. 

After  the  Grand  Keview  at  Washington,  May  24, 
1865,  General  Sherman  was  ordered  to  St.  Louis  to  com 
mand  the  Military  Division  of  the  Mississippi,  and  writes 
from  there  on  Aug.  3,  1865. 


Cox's  letter  on  the  subject  of  negro  suffrage  is  a  new 
bombshell  in  your  camp.  He  has  thought  for  himself, 
and  come  to  a  conclusion  different  from  the  new  creed  of 
the  East,  and  will  in  my  judgment  be  sat  upon  and 
badgered,  but  he  is  as  near  right  as  he  can  get.  Negro 
equality  will  lead  to  endless  strife,  and  to  remove  and 
separate  the  races  will  be  a  big  job;  so  any  way  we  ap 
proach  the  subject  it  is  full  of  difficulty.  But  it  is  better 
to  study  the  case  and  adapt  measures  to  it,  than  to  lay 
down  the  theory  or  force  facts  to  meet  it.  ... 

I  think  I  will  make  that  trip,1  and  that  is  all  this 
year.  I  did  think  of  coming  to  Detroit  to  see  Ord, 
but  am  bothered  by  people  in  travelling  so  much  that 
I  prefer  to  be  quiet  till  the  people  run  after  new 
gods.  In  a  short  time  new  issues  will  drop  us  out  of 
memory. 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 
i  To  the  West. 


DICTATORIAL   CONDUCT  OF  STANTON       253 

And  again,  after  a  few  days,  from  Ohio,  where  he 
passed  part  of  that  summer,  he  writes :  — 

LANCASTER,  OHIO,  Aug.  9,  1865. 

Dear  Brother :  After  I  get  fixed  in  St.  Louis,  I  will 
cast  about  for  some  chance  to  be  independent  of  our 
Government,  for  I  feel  there  is  a  desire  to  be  rid  of  me. 
Stanton,  in  Grant's  absence,  has  ordered  one  of  my  chief 
staff -officers  away  from  me,  Beckwith,  without  as  much 
as  "by  your  leave."  Now  this  was  never  done  save  by 
Jeff  Davis  when  he  was  Secretary  of  War,  for  orders  to 
the  army  officers  always  should  go  by  command  of  the 
commander-in-chief,  but  Stanton  orders  about  as  though 
it  was  his  lawful  prerogative.  I  would  resist  publicly, 
but  don't  want  to  bring  on  another  controversy.  Of 
course,  if  my  staff -officers  are  taken  away  without  my 
being  consulted,  they  will  feel  little  dependence  on  me, 
and  my  influence  will  subside.  But  that  is  a  small 
matter  compared  with  turning  the  army  into  a  machine 
auxiliary  to  politics.  If  the  War  Department  is  to  give 
orders  direct  to  the  army  below  us  and  not  through  us, 
you  can  see  that  we  are  dissolved  from  all  control,  re 
sponsibility,  or  interest.  The  true  way  is  for  the  War 
Department  to  indicate  to  us  what  the  Administration 
wants  done,  and  then  hold  us  responsible  for  the  means 
used.  But  if  the  Secretary  handles  the  army  behind  us, 
how  can  we  take  an  interest?  My  own  opinion  is  the 
Administration  will  either  break  itself  down  or  drive  us 
out.  Grant  is  so  anxious  for  harmony  that  he  will  not 
interfere  until  it  is  too  late,  when  he  will  find  somebody 
else  commands  instead  of  him. 

I  think  the  agitation  of  the  suffrage  question  now 
before  the  people  has  got  far  enough  advanced  to  show 
how  they  (the  negroes)  can  make  a  living,  and  will  give 


254  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

trouble,  but  we  hope  still  that  even  that  question  will  be 
allowed  ^o  rest  until  the  forms  and  shapes  of  the  States 
South  are  adjusted.  ...  I  fear  you  will  all  have  a  bur 
den  to  carry  in  the  form  of  Military  Governments  South, 
which  are  awkward  and  expensive.  My  command l  only 
embraces  Arkansas,  and  there  things  seem  quiet,  though 
I  know  but  little  of  the  actual  state  of  affairs.  In  no 
other  point  of  my  command  do  these  questions  arise. 
Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

And  a  few  days  later  he  writes  from  St.  Louis :  — 

We  cannot  keep  the  South  out  long,  and  it  is  a  physi 
cal  impossibility  for  us  to  guard  the  entire  South  by 
armies;  nor  can  we  change  opinions  by  force;  nor  can 
the  President  pass  on  the  merits  of  all  pardons,  but  must 
delegate  it,  when  the  power  will  be  corrupted  or  gradu 
ally  embrace  all  exempts,  for  the  class  exempted  is  the 
vital  part  of  the  South.  I  would  have  used  it  and  had 
it  subservient  to  the  uses  of  Government.  The  poor 
whites  and  negroes  of  the  South  have  not  the  intelli 
gence  to  fill  the  offices  of  governors,  clerks,  judges,  etc., 
etc.,  and  for  some  time  the  marching  of  state  Govern 
ments  must  be  controlled  by  the  same  class  of  whites  as 
went  into  the  Rebellion  against  us.  ... 

John  Sherman  passed  the  summer  of  1865  in  Mans 
field,  Ohio,  from  where  he  writes  on  August  29th,  in 
answer  to  an  invitation  from  General  Sherman  to  go  on 
a  Western  trip  during  that  autumn. 

1  General  Orders  No.  118  of  June  27, 1865,  divided  the  whole  country 
into  nineteen  departments  and  five  military  divisions,  the  second  of 
which  was  the  military  division  of  the  "Mississippi,"  afterwards 
changed  to  "Missouri."  This  division  embraced  the  Departments  of 
the  Ohio,  Missouri,  and  Arkansas,  and  was  to  be  commanded  by  Gen 
eral  Sherman,  with  headquarters  at  St.  Louis. 


THE  OHIO   CANVASS  255 

I  am  very  desirous  to  accept  your  invitation.  The 
trip  would  be  an  instructive  and  pleasant  one,  and  if  I 
was  not  restrained  by  the  interests  of  others  I  would 
surely  go  at  once.  But  we  are  now  involved  in  an  excit 
ing  and  important  political  contest.  The  canvass  in 
Ohio  is  substantially  between  the  Government  and  the 
Rebellion,  and  is  assuming  all  the  bitterness  of  such  a 
strife.  If  I  should  leave  now,  it  would  be  like  a  general 
leaving  before  the  day  of  battle.  I  have  been  speaking 
very  often,  and  must  keep  it  up.  I  propose,  however,  to 
arrange  all  my  business  so  that  I  may  leave  soon  after 
the  election,  say  about  the  20th  of  October,  and  will 
then  go  down  the  river  and  spend  all  the  time  until  the 
meeting  of  Congress.  I  hope  to  be  able  to  go  via  Vicks- 
burg,  New  Orleans,  Charleston,  to  Washington.  If  a 
favorable  opportunity  offers  at  Vicksburg  or  New  Orleans, 
I  wish  to  develop  my  ideas  as  to  a  reconstruction  of  the 
Union.  I  know  these  will  suit  you  a  good  deal  better 
than  they  will  the  Administration,  but  I  feel  quite  inde 
pendent  of  the  latter,  and  am  disposed  to  follow  my  own 
course.  .  .  . 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION 

OP  THE  MISSISSIPPI, 
ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  Sept.  21,  1865. 

Dear  Brother:  I  got  your  letters  by  Mr.  Kinneard, 
and  spent  a  whole  day  with  him  and  his  party,1  first  in 
a  steamboat  going  up  and  down  the  river,  then  in  car 
riages,  and  finally  at  a  banquet.  The  whole  party 
seemed  much  pleased  with  the  courtesies  shown  them, 
and  to  me  were  sufficiently  complimentary.  General 
Grant  was  here  also,  and  they  expressed  themselves 
more  than  usually  pleased  at  the  opportunity  to  see  us 

1  A  party  of  Englishmen  with  letters  of  introduction  from  John 
Sherman. 


256  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

together.  In  Europe  they  are  settling  down  to  the  con 
viction  that  Grant  and  I  accomplished  the  military 
problem,  and  now  they  look  to  you  to  bring  order,  sys 
tem,  and  prosperity  out  of  the  wreck.  I  am  well  satis 
fied  at  the  course  things  are  taking.  No  matter  what 
change  we  may  desire  in  the  feelings  and  thoughts  of 
people  South,  we  cannot  accomplish  it  by  force.  Nor 
can  we  afford  to  maintain  there  an  army  large  enough  to 
hold  them  in  subjugation.  All  we  can,  or  should,  attempt 
is  to  give  them  rope,  to  develop  in  an  honest  way  if 
possible,  preserving  in  reserve  enough  military  power  to 
check  any  excesses  if  they  attempt  any.  But  I  know 
they  will  not  attempt  any,  and  you  may  look  for  out 
breaks  in  Ohio  quicker  than  in  Georgia  or  Mississippi. 
You  hardly  yet  realize  how  completely  this  country  has 
been  devastated,  and  how  completely  humbled  the  man 
of  the  South  is.  Of  course  editors  and  talkers  may  ex 
press  opinions  we  don't  like,  but  they  will  take  good 
care  not  to  reduce  those  opinions  to  acts. 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION 

OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI, 
ST.  Louis,  Nov.  4,  1865. 

Dear  Brother ;  Ever  since  my  return  from  my  trip  in 
Iowa,  Nebraska,  and  Kansas,  I  have  been  so  busy  that 
I  have  neglected  to  write  to  you.  We  are  now  most 
comfortable  in  our  new  house,  and  I  am  settling  down 
into  a  kind  of  routine  that  looks  like  old  banking  times. 
I  see  a  great  many  people,  and  get  any  quantity  of  letters 
with  all  sorts  of  invitations,  but  I  decline  all  save  a  few 
here  in  the  city.  I  think  I  will  go  to  see  Henry  Sher 
man  l  at  his  commencement  at  Dartmouth  next  spring, 
1  His  eldest  brother's  elder  son. 


SHERMAN'S  OFFICIAL  REPORT  257 

and  that  will  carry  me  to  Boston,  where  I  expect  to  be 
besieged.  Strange  to  say,  I  receive  more  strong  feeling 
of  favor  from  that  quarter  than  any  other,  spite  the 
attempt  made  to  put  me  in  antagonism  to  their  special 
hobbies.  I  shall  not  go  near  Washington  this  year,  nor 
take  part  in  the  reorganization  of  the  new  army  until 
ordered  to  do  so  officially.  I  have  the  report  for  the 
Committee  on  the  conduct  of  the  war  nearly  done,  and 
will  send  it  by  a  staff-officer  to  Mr.  Wade  before  the 
meeting  of  Congress. 

It  will  contain  much  detailed  and  original  matter 
which  has  never  seen  the  light,  and  will  make  the  great 
campaigns  as  clear  as  possible,  being  composed  wholly 
of  letters  which  passed  at  the  time  between  me  and  all 
the  officers  above  and  below  me.  It  is  more  voluminous 
than  I  intended,  and  I  will  curtail  it  all  I  can,  but  as  it 
is  now  it  is  very  interesting.  I  will  also  accompany  it 
with  a  map  which  is  very  valuable,  and  I  want  it  en 
graved  on  metal.  I  know  Congress  will  appropriate  for 
proper  maps,  and  not  insult  us  with  such  lithographs  as 
have  heretofore  been  customary.  I  may  have  to  get  you 
to  help  me  in  this,  as  I  have  expended  vast  labor  on  this 
map  and  want  it  done  right. 

I  notice  that  foreigners  are  very  anxious  to  see  me, 
and  all  who  come  here  come  to  call.  I  shall  be  here  all 
winter,  and  if  you  want  anything  I  can  do  it.  I  hope 
you  are  sure  of  your  re-election.  I  have  many  inquiries 
as  to  your  prospects,  and  cannot  answer  them.  I  think 
you  have  more  influence  and  reputation  out  of  Ohio  than 
any  man  of  the  State.  .  .  .  You  observe  that  Mr.  John 
son  is  drifting  toward  my  terms  to  Johnston.  He  can 
not  help  it,  for  there  is  no  other  solution.  Any  plan  will 
have  objections,  but  that  least  of  all. 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


258  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

John  Sherman,  having  returned  to  Washington  for  the 
winter,  writes  from  there :  — 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE  CHAMBER, 

WASHINGTON,  Nov.  10,  1865. 

Dear  Brother :  Your  note  of  the  4th  is  received.  I  am 
glad  to  hear  you  are  settled,  and  from  all  accounts  delight 
fully.  You  deserve  quiet  and  repose  after  five  years  of 
change  and  labor.  When  in  New  York  the  other  day, 
I  found  that  party  of  English  capitalists  were  delighted 
with  their  visit  with  you,  and  seemed  especially  polite 
to  me  on  that  account.  I  got  for  two  of  them  Bowman 
and  Nichols'  works,1  which  they  wanted  to  take  home. 
But  for  my  political  employment  I  could  have  re 
ceived  from  them  very  lucrative  employment  in  the 
prosecution  of  their  vast  railroad  schemes.  Even  as  it 
is,  if  they,  within  six  months,  show  their  ability  to  exe 
cute  their  plans,  I  will  identify  myself  much  more  with 
them.  The  truth  is,  the  close  of  the  war  with  our  re 
sources  unimpaired  gives  an  elevation,  a  scope  to  the 
ideas  of  leading  capitalists,  far  higher  than  anything  ever 
undertaken  in  this  country  before.  They  talk  of  mil 
lions  as  confidently  as  formerly  of  thousands.  No  doubt 
the  contraction  that  must  soon  come  will  explode  merely 
visionary  schemes,  but  many  vast  undertakings  will  be 
executed.  Among  them  will  be  the  Pacific  R.  R.  and 
extensive  iron  works,  like  some  in  England.  Our  man 
ufactures  are  yet  in  their  infancy,  but  soon  I  expect  to 
see,  under  the  stimulus  of  a  great  demand  and  the  pro 
tection  of  our  tariff,  locomotive  and  machine  shops 
worthy  of  the  name.  I  do  not  fear,  whatever  may  be  the 
result  of  the  senatorial  election,  but  I  can  find  enough 
to  do,  and  without  lowering  the  position  I  have  occupied. 
As  for  the  chances,  from  all  the  information  I  can  gather, 
1  Lives  of  General  Sherman. 


[1865] 


JOHNSON'S  RESPONSIBILITY  259 

there  is  but  little  doubt  a  majority  of  tlie  Legislature  is 
for  me.  Still  I  know  enough  of  the  shifts  and  dangers 
in  a  new  body  of  men  like  a  Legislature  not  to  be  over 
sanguine.  Since  I  am  in  the  contest  I  will  do  all  I  can 
for  success,  and  hope  my  friends  will  do  likewise,  but  if 
defeated  will  bear  it  patiently.  In  a  short  time  I  will 
send  you  a  list  of  the  members  who  are  from  the  military 
service,  in  the  hope  that  you  may  know  some  of  them 
well  enough  to  influence  them.  You  can  feel  perfectly 
easy  in  doing  this,  as  my  opponents  use  to  the  uttermost 
against  me  any  prejudice  or  feeling  against  you.  This 
election  over,  I  think  I  shall  be  very  willing  to  say  good 
by  to  politics,  and  will  then  seek  to  settle  myself  com 
fortably  in  some  part  of  Ohio  where  I  can  engage  in 
railroads,  banking,  or  manufacturing.  The  law  in  this 
country  is  now  only  useful  as  the  pathway  to  other 
pursuits. 

I  have  seen  Johnson  several  times.  He  seems  kind 
and  patient  with  all  his  terrible  responsibility.  I  think 
he  feels  what  every  one  must  have  observed,  that  the 
people  will  not  trust  the  party  or  men  who,  during  the 
war,  sided  with  the  rebels.  The  Democratic  party  is 
doomed  forever  as  a  disloyal  organization,  and  no  prom 
ises,  or  pledges,  or  platform  they  can  make  will  redeem 
them  from  the  odium  they  justly  gained. 

Yours  affectionately, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

On  Nov.  29,  1865,  General  Sherman  writes  from  St. 
Louis :  — 

I  am  going  to  start  for  Arkansas  on  Friday,  and  be 
absent  some  three  weeks.  I  take  it  nothing  important 
can  occur  at  Washington  until  after  Christmas,  unless  it 


260  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

be  on  the  question  of  the  admission  of  the  Southern 
members.  I  have  never  committed  myself  on  that  point, 
and  though  everybody  supposes  that  my  terms  with 
Johnston  looked  to  that  result,  you  will  remember  that 
those  terms  specially  provided  that  the  laws  of  Congress 
were  to  control  all  questions.  Now  the  new  oath  is  and 
was  a  law  of  Congress,  and  the  members  elect  must  take 
the  new  oath,  and  if  they  cannot  it  is  their  fault  or  mis 
fortune,  not  ours.  If  they  take  the  prescribed  oath,  I 
think  they  should  be  admitted,  simply  because  you  can 
not  expect  to  hold  a  people  always  without  representa 
tion,  and  it  will  give  them  additional  weight,  if  they  be 
denied  now  and  afterward  received.  It  is  always  better 
when  concessions  are  to  be  made  to  make  them  at  once, 
and  not  seem  to  be  forced  to  do  it  after  contest.  You 
can  now  simply  say,  "  Certainly,  come  in  by  subscribing 
to  the  conditions  and  oaths  already  prescribed  by  law, 
the  same  oaths  we  take." 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


ST.  Louis,  Dec.  22,  1865. 
Dear  Brother  : 


I  am  just  back  from  Little  Eock,  have  read  the 
message  and  all  the  reports  which  seem  satisfactory. 
Grant's  report  is  all  I  ask,  but  no  one  ever  has  and  may 
not  agree  with  me  as  to  the  very  great  importance  of  the 
march  north  from  Savannah.  The  march  to  the  sea 
seems  to  have  captivated  everybody,  whereas  it  was 
child's  play  compared  with  the  other.  All  well  with  me. 
I  will  write  soon. 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


SUFFRAGE  EXTENSION  261 

And  on  January  17th  he  writes  again  from  St. 
Louis :  — 

I  get  a  great  many  commentaries  on  the  past,  and 
have  no  reason  to  object  to  the  exalted  examples  with 
which  my  name  is  connected.  According  to  some 
enthusiasts,  Hannibal,  Alexander,  and  Napoleon  fall 
below  my  standard.  Of  course  I  always  laugh  at  these, 
and  prefer  to  stand  by  the  record,  being  perfectly  satis 
fied  with  Grant's  resumb  of  the  campaigns  of  1864-5. 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION 

OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI, 
ST.  Louis,  Jan.  19,  1866. 

Dear  Brother:  The  papers  this  morning  announce 
your  election  by  a  strong  vote,  and  settle  that  question. 
I  am  of  course  very  glad,  for  it  demonstrates  not  only 
your  strength  but  that  the  people  of  Ohio  approve  your 
past.  As  to  the  future,  of  course  in  all  things  political 
you  have  far  more  knowledge  than  I,  but  I  do  believe 
that  the  extension  of  the  election  franchise  is  being 
pushed  beyond  the  Rule  of  Right.  All  beings  are  en 
titled  to  the  protection  of  the  law,  even  "  infants  not 
born,"  but  because  of  such  natural  right  it  is  not  to  be 
inferred  they  must  vote.  To  vote  implies  an  under 
standing  almost  equivalent  to  the  ability  to  make  laws. 
It  is  legislative  —  not  natural  Right.  Instead  of  enlarg 
ing  the  privilege,  we  must  gradually  curtail  it,  in  order  to 
have  stability  and  security.  It  was  this  popular  clamor 
for  supposed  rights  that  carried  the  South  into  rebellion. 
No  people  were  ever  more  unanimous  than  they,  and 
though  now  they  concede  themselves  vanquished,  yet  on 
this  and  kindred  subjects  they  are  as  unanimous  as  ever. 


262  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

To  place  or  attempt  to  place  the  negro  on  a  par  with  the 
whites  will  produce  new  convulsions.  The  country  is 
in  no  condition  to  go  on  with  such  contests.  Better 
pacify  or  acknowledge  conditions  than  attempt  new  ones 
dangerous  to  the  peace  of  the  whole  country.  It  will 
take  ten  years  for  the  South  to  regain  full  prosperity 
with  the  negro  free,  and  that  should  precede  any  new 
complication. 

Affectionately,  etc., 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION 

OF   THE    MISSISSIPPI, 

ST.  Louis,  Feb.  11,  1866. 

Dear  Brother:  I  had  a  pleasant  trip  to  Detroit, 
reaching  there  in  a  snowstorm  on  Wednesday  morning. 
I  got  a  couple  hours  of  quiet,  and  then  for  two  days  was 
kept  on  the  jump,  visited  and  dined,  when  I  got  away. 
I  think  I  must  have  touched  the  hands  of  10,000  people. 
At  the  dinner  we  had  the  best  people  of  the  city,  who 
were  even  more  eulogistic  than  usual.  I  saw  Mr.  Cass, 
who  sat  in  a  chair  and  was  seemingly  much  flattered  by 
my  visit.  He  simply  said  that  he  hoped  the  present 
peace  would  not  be  disturbed  by  experiments.  We  can 
not  shove  the  South  back  as  Territories,  and  all  steps 
to  that  end  must  fail  for  many  reasons,  if  no  other  than 
that  it  compels  the  people  already  there  to  assume  a 
hostile  attitude.  The  well  disposed  of  the  South  must 
again  be  trusted  —  we  cannot  help  it. 

You  are  classed  universally  as  one  of  the  rising  states 
men,  above  mere  party  rules.  And  whilst  you  should 
not  separate  from  your  party,  you  can  moderate  the 
severity  of  their  counsels.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


THE  REPUBLICANS  AND   THE  SOUTH        263 
HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION 

OP    THE    MISSISSIPPI, 

ST.  Louis,  Feb.  23,  1866. 

Dear  Brother :  The  political  aspect  now  is  interesting 
to  a  looker-on.  Sumner  and  Stevens  would  have  made 
another  civil  war  inevitably  —  the  President's  antago 
nistic  position  saves  us  war  save  of  words,  and  as  I  am 
a  peace  man  I  go  for  Johnson  and  the  Veto. 

I  recollect  that  Congress  is  but  one  of  three  co-ordinate 
branches  of  the  Government.  I  want  to  hear  the  Supreme 
Court  manifest  itself,  and  then  can  guess  at  the  conclu 
sion.  .  .  .  Let  Johnson  fight  it  out  with  Sumner,  who, 
though  sincere,  represents  an  antagonism  as  ultra-  as  of 
Davis  himself.  Both  are  representative  men,  and  it  will 
be  a  pity  if  the  great  mass  of  our  people  have  to  go  on 
fighting  forever  to  demonstrate  the  fallacy  of  extreme 
opinions. 

The  Eepublican  party  has  lost  forever  the  best  chance 
they  can  ever  expect  of  gaining  recruits  from  the  great 
middle  class  who  want  peace  and  industry.  The  white 
men  of  this  country  will  control  it,  and  the  negro,  in 
mass,  will  occupy  a  subordinate  place  as  a  race.  We 
can  secure  them  the  liberty  now  gained,  but  we  cannot 
raise  them  to  a  full  equality  in  our  day,  even  if  at  all. 
Had  the  Republicans  graciously  admitted  the  great 
principle  of  representation,  leaving  members  to  take  the 
Ironclad  Oath,  you  would  have  secured  the  active  co 
operation  of  such  men  as  Sharkey,  Parsons,  Wm.  A. 
Graham,  Johnson,  and  others  of  the  South,  and  it  would 
not  be  many  years  before  some  of  these  States  would 
have  grown  as  rabid  as  Missouri,  Maryland,  and  Arkan 
sas  are  now  disposed  to  be.  The  foolish  querulousness 
of  the  Secessionists  untamed  would  soon  make  a  snarlish 
minority  in  their  own  States.  Now,  however,  by  the 


264  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

extreme  measures  begun  and  urged  with  so  much  vindic- 
tiveness,  Sumner  has  turned  all  the  Union  people  South 
as  well  as  of  the  West  against  the  party.  ...  It  is 
surely  unfortunate  that  the  President  is  thus  thrown 
seemingly  on  the  old  mischievous  anti-war  Democrats, 
but  from  his  standpoint  he  had  no  alternative.  To  out 
siders  it  looks  as  though  he  was  purposely  forced  into 
that  category. 

I  know  that  the  Freedmen  Bureau  Bill,  and  that  for 
universal  suffrage  in  the  District,  are  impracticable  and 
impolitic.  Better  let  them  slide,  and  devote  time  to 
putting  the  actual  Government  into  the  best  shape  the 
country  admits  of,  letting  other  natural  causes  produce 
the  results  you  aim  at.  Whenever  State  Legislatures 
and  people  oppress  the  negro  they  cut  their  own  throats, 
for  the  negro  cannot  again  be  enslaved.  Their  mis 
takes  will  work  to  the  interests  of  the  great  Union 
party. 

I  can  readily  understand  what  the  effect  must  be  in 
your  circle.  How  difficult  it  is  to  do  anything,  but  if 
Congress  does  nothing  it  will  be  the  greatest  wisdom; 
for  the  business  relations  opening  throughout  the  South 
will  do  more  to  restore  peace  and  prosperity  than  all  the 
laws  that  could  be  published  in  six  months. 

I  think  Mr.  Johnson  would  consent  to  a  modification 
of  the  Constitution  to  change  the  basis  of  representation 
to  suit  the  changed  condition  of  the  population  South, 
but  that  is  all  he  can  or  should  do.  ... 

We  need  the  Army  Bills l  to  get  to  work.  I  will  have 
to  abandon  all  the  remote  settlements  to  the  chances  of 
the  Indians,  for  even  after  the  bill  passes,  it  will  take 
months  to  enlist  the  men,  and  in  the  meantime  all  vol- 

1  The  bills  providing  for  the  reorganization  of  the  army. 


EUPTION  BETWEEN  PRESIDENT  AND  PARTY     265 

unteers  are  clamorous  for  discharge,  and  must  be  dis 
charged  as  soon  as  winter  lets  them  come  in. 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

And  on  February  28th,  he  writes  again :  — 

Dear  Brother:  Of  course  I  agree  substantially  with 
the  President.  If  we  do  not  design  to  make  a  complete 
revolution  in  our  form  of  Government,  but  rather  to  pre 
serve  it,  you  must,  sooner  or  later,  allow  representation 
from  the  South,  and  the  longer  it  is  deferred  the  worse 
will  be  its  effect. 

Any  seeming  purpose  to  restrict  them  from  retaining 
political  power  with  your  party  will  react  against  you. 

The  case  is  very  different  when  a  native  conquers  an 
adversary,  but  even  in  that  case  we  have  always  incor 
porated  new  conquests  as  a  part  of  the  whole,  as  in 
Louisiana,  Texas,  and  California.  If  the  people  of  the 
South  are  to  be  punished,  it  must  be  done  by  trials 
and  convictions  of  individuals. 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

On  March  24th,  General  Sherman  writes  from  St. 
Louis :  — 

I  am  sorry  to  hear  that  the  President  is  likely  to 
break  with  the  party.  It  should  not  be,  but  Congress 
should  defer  much  to  him,  as  an  executive  feels  how 
much  more  difficult  to  execute  plans  than  a  Congress 
dealing  with  abstract  ideas.  I  still  hope  that  mutual 
concessions  will  result  in  a  practical  solution. 

The  question  as  to  the  burning  of  Columbia,  S.C., 
having  been  raised  by  Wade  Hampton,  General  Sher- 


266  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

man  writes  the  two   following  letters  on  the   subject 
and  encloses  an  old  order  given  at  the  time. 

I  have  no  doubt  myself,  and  Howard,  Logan,  Woods, 
and  all  who  were  in  Columbia  that  night  concur  with 
me.  The  fire  which  burned  up  the  city,  began  about 
dawn,  after  I  had  been  in  six  hours,  and  I  know  that 
great  exertions  were  made  to  stop  it,  but  there  had  been 
all  day  and  continued  till  late  at  night,  a  perfect  tempest 
of  wind,  and  I  saw  hundreds  of  bales  of  cotton  on  fire 
flying  hundreds  of  yards.  It  is  barely  possible  some 
malicious  soldier  started  the  fire,  but  I  rather  think  this 
devilish  spirit  grew  as  the  fire  progressed.  I  know  that 
the  general  judgment  of  the  country  is  that  no  matter 
how  it  began  it  was  all  right,  still  I  know  that  the  cot 
ton  was  the  cause  of  the  rapid  spread  of  the  fire,  and 
this  resulted  from  the  fact  that  the  bales  had  been  ripped 
open  with  knives,  so  that  long  before  the  fire  began  the 
houses  and  trees  were  white  with  it,  and  it  was  plain  a 
spark  would  spread  like  gunpowder.  It  was  not  spe 
cially  my  business,  for  Howard  was  in  actual  command 
of  the  troops  in  Columbia,  but  being  present  in  person 
the  world  holds  me  responsible.  I  should  like  you  to 
introduce  the  petition,  and  to  say  that  I  have  no  doubt 
as  to  the  parties  responsible  for  all  the  consequences. 

It  was  not  until  the  day  after  the  conflagration  that  I 
destroyed  the  Arsenal  and  other  public  factories  which 
were  in  the  suburbs  and  had  escaped  the  fire  that  burned 
the  town. 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


THE  BURNING   OF  COLUMBIA  267 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION 

OF  THE  MISSISSIPPI, 
ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  AprU2,  1866. 
Dear  Brother  : 

I  know  the  railroad  depot  and  three  large  bridges  were 
burned  before  a  soldier  of  ours  had  entered  Columbia, 
and  I  know  that  six  hours  before  the  real  conflagration 
began  I  saw  half-a-dozen  piles  of  cotton  on  fire  in  the 
streets  —  one  large  pile  near  the  market  house  where  the 
great  conflagration  began,  which  fire  our  soldiers  were 
putting  out  as  I  rode  by  it.  ...  Wade  Hampton  de 
fended  Columbia  as  long  as  he  dared,  and  then  ran  away, 
leaving  the  city  full  of  cotton  blowing  about  like  flakes 
of  snow.  So  that  trees  and  frame  houses  and  garden 
fences  were  literally  white.  Of  course  a  mayor  could 
expect  no  terms.  Being  helpless,  he  took  what  he  could 
get.  I  told  him,  of  course,  I  had  no  intention  to  burn 
or  destroy  anything  except  what  my  previous  orders 
defined.  I  saw  Wade  Hampton's  cotton  order  printed 
in  a  Columbia  paper,  but  kept  no  copy,  as  it  was  noto 
rious;  for  he  openly  declared  that  Yankee  footsteps 
should  not  pollute  his  threshold,  and  he  commanded 
everything  like  corn  fodder,  etc.,  to  be  burnt,  lest  we 
should  get  it.  ... 

They  boasted  that  we  would  find  a  Moscow  and  its 
consequences. 

The  treatment  of  our  officers,  prisoners  at  Columbia, 
was  enough  to  have  warranted  its  utter  annihilation, 
and  after  the  fire  began  it  required  all  our  efforts  to 
prevent  its  extending  to  the  suburbs,  including  the  Old 
Hampton  house,  —  now  owned  by  Preston,  brother-in- 
law  of  Wade  Hampton,  —  which  was  saved  by  John 
Logan. 

Affectionately  yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


268  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  or  THE  MISSISSIPPI, 
IN  THE  FIELD  NEAR  COLUMBIA,  S.C.,  Feb.  16,  1865. 

Special  Field  Orders,  ) 
No.  26.  f 

EXTRACT. 

The  next  series  of  movements  will  be  at  Fayetteville, 
N.C.,  and  thence  to  Wilmington  or  Goldsboro,  according 
to  events.  Great  care  must  be  taken  to  collect  forage 
and  food,  and  at  the  same  time  in  covering  the  wagon 
trains  from  cavalry  dashes. 

General  Howard  will  cross  the  Saluda  and  Broad 
rivers  as  near  their  mouths  as  possible,  occupy  Colum 
bia,  destroy  the  public  buildings,  railroad  property,  man 
ufacturing  and  machine  shops,  but  will  spare  libraries, 
and  asylums,  and  private  dwellings.  He  will  then  move 
to  Winnsboro,  destroying  en  route  utterly  that  section 
of  the  railroad.  .  .  . 

By  order  of  Major-General 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

L.  M.  DAYTON,  Assistant  Adjutant- General. 
[Probably  April  6-7,  1866.] 

This  order  was  made  the  day  before  we  entered 
Columbia,  about  the  time  the  rebels  were  cannonading 
our  camps  on  the  west  side  of  the  Congaree,  and  burning 
their  three  splendid  bridges  (Saluda  and  Broad  unite  at 
Columbia  and  make  the  Congaree).  During  the  16th 
Howard  crossed  the  Saluda  at  the  factory  above  Colum 
bia,  and  that  night  crossed  Stone's  brigade  to  the  east 
side  of  the  Broad  Kiver,  and  under  its  cover  laid  the 
pontoon  bridge,  completing  it  about  noon  of  the  17th. 
Stone's  brigade  went  into  Columbia  about  11  A.M.,  the 
mayor  having  come  out  three  miles  and  notified  him 
that  Beauregard  and  Hampton  had  evacuated.  They 
evacuated  because  they  knew  that  Slocum  and  Kilpatrick 


GRANT'S  POLITICAL  ASPIRATIONS          269 

were  moving  straight  for  Winnsboro,  26  miles  in  their 
rear,  and  I  wanted  them  to  stay  in  Columbia  another 
day.  Their  hasty  evacuation  was  not  to  spare  Columbia, 
but  to  save  being  caught  in  the  forks  of  the  Congaree 
and  Catawba,  which  would  have  resulted,  had  they  given 
time  for  Slocum  to  reach  Winnsboro.  Mayor  Goodwin 
complained  to  me  of  the  cotton-burning  order  of  Wade 
Hampton,  and  especially  that  Hampton  and  Beauregard 
would  not  consent  to  his  request  that  the  liquor  (which 
had  run  the  blockade  and  been  transferred  from  the 
coast  to  Columbia  for  safety)  was  not  removed  or  de 
stroyed.  This  liquor,  which  our  men  got  in  bucketfuls, 
was  an  aggravation,  and  occasioned  much  of  the  disorder 
at  night  after  the  fires  had  got  headway.  We  all  know 
how  the  soldiers  and  junior  officers  hated  South  Caro 
lina,  and  I  can  hardly  say  what  excesses  would  have 
resulted  had  the  general  officers  allowed  them  free 
scope.  .  .  . 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

The  latter  part  of  March,  1866,  John  Sherman  says 
in  a  long  letter  on  family  matters :  — 

You  may  have  noticed  that  I  have  been  in  Connecticut 
making  two  speeches.  That  at  Bridgeport  is  reported 
in  full  in  "  The  New  York  Times  "  of  yesterday.  Our 
difficulties  here  are  not  over;  Johnson1  is  suspicious  of 
every  one,  and  I  fear  will  drift  into  his  old  party  rela 
tions.  If  so,  he  will  carry  with  him  but  little  peace  and 
prestige,  and  will  soon  be  in  deserved  disgrace.  It  is  also 
evident  that  Grant  has  some  political  aspirations  and 
can,  if  he  wishes  it,  easily  attain  the  Presidency.  .  .  . 
Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

1  The  President. 


270  THE  SHEEMAN  LETTERS 

And  on  April  23d  he  writes :  — 

Dear  Brother:  So  little  attention  is  paid  to  Wade 
Hampton's  gasconade,  that  I  do  not  think  it  worth  while 
to  give  it  importance  by  an  answer.  Indeed,  I  do  not  find 
it  printed  in  any  Northern  paper,  and  having  sent  you 
the  only  copy  I  have  seen,  I  find  it  impossible  to  get  an 
other.  The  materials  of  a  reply  are  on  hand,  and  are 
entirely  satisfactory,  but  I  will  let  it  rest  until  the  charge 
is  taken  up  by  some  one  else. 

As  for  the  Civil  Eights  Bill,  I  felt  it  so  clearly  right 
that  I  was  prepared  for  the  very  general  acquiescence  in 
its  provisions  both  North  and  South. 

To  have  refused  the  negroes  the  simplest  right  granted 
to  every  other  inhabitant,  native  or  foreigner,  would  be 
outrageous;  and  to  confess  that  our  Government  is 
strong  enough  to  compel  their  military  services,  and 
yet  not  strong  enough  to  secure  them  the  right  to  acquire 
and  hold  property  would  involve  a  gross  inconsistency. 
I  hope  this  bill  will  be  made  the  basis  of  a  compromise. 
If  fairly  enforced  in  the  South,  the  public  mind  will  be 
satisfied  for  the  negro  to  take  his  chances  for  political 
privileges.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

On  May  12th,  John  Sherman  writes  of  a  contemplated 
Western  trip. 

The  chief  motive  I  have  in  the  trip  this  fall  is  to 
notice  the  country  through  which  the  Pacific  E.  E.  runs. 
The  mistake  made  by  Congress  was  in  not  concentrating 
its  aid  on  one  road  commencing  far  enough  west  to  be 
the  common  meeting  point  of  all  the  Eastern  roads,  and 
then  push  it  through  with  all  the  means  of  the  Govern- 


FEAR   OF  SECTIONAL  ENMITY  271 

ment.  As  it  is  too  late  to  alter  the  law,  it  is  probable 
one  of  the  roads  now  building  will  be  selected,  and  gra 
tuities  will  not  be  given  to  the  other  further  than  the 
one  hundredth  meridian.  I  am  a  member  of  the  Rail 
road  Committee,  and  therefore  take  an  active  interest  in 
the  question. 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE, 
WASHINGTON,  July  2,  1866. 

Dear  Brother :  I  have  read  the  enclosed  letter  with 
a  good  deal  of  interest.  The  feeling  of  the  writer  is 
manly  and  proper.  A  man  may  lose  his  cause  both  in 
law  or  in  war  without  yielding  his  sense  of  right  or  his 
pride  or  honor.  If  he  will  only  submit  to  the  decision 
of  the  tribunal  to  which  he  appeals,  it  is  all  that  can 
be  asked  of  him.  I  meet  a  great  many  from  the  South 
whom  I  knew  before  the  war,  and  I  confess  I  am  grati 
fied  with  their  sentiments  and  conduct.  If  they  could 
now  see  their  manifest  interests  to  accept  the  recent 
adjustment  or  amendments  to  the  Constitution  as  a  rea 
sonable  and  fair  settlement,  the  South  would  soon  be 
resurrected  into  greater  wealth  and  power.  I  only  fear 
their  political  alliance  with  the  pestilent  Copperheads 
of  the  North,  and  thus  perpetuation  of  sectional  enmity. 
I  really  fear  that  Johnson,  who  is  an  honest  man,  will 
from  sheer  stubbornness  and  bitter  dislike  to  Stevens  and 
a  few  others,  lend  himself  to  this  faction.  The  very 
moment  the  South  will  agree  to  a  firm  basis  of  represen 
tation,  I  am  for  general  amnesty  and  a  repeal  of  the 
test  oaths.  But  the  signs  of  the  times  indicate  another 
stirring  political  contest.  I  see  no  way  to  avoid  it.  I 
will  have  to  take  part  in  it,  but  you  can,  and  I  hope  will, 
stand  aloof.  Don't  commit  yourself  to  any  political 
faction,  and  don't  fail  to  remember  that  the  Republican, 
or  anti-slavery  and  now  anti-rebel  feeling,  is  deeper  and 


272  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

stronger  than  any  other  in  the  Northern  States.  We 
could  surely  contend  with  a  manly,  righting  rebel  like 
your  friend,  but  never  will  with  those  who  raised  the 
white  flag  in  the  rear.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

The  letter  referred  to  by  Senator  Sherman  is  one 
written  by  Mr.  Boyd  to  General  Sherman.  Mr.  Boyd 
was,  at  the  time  he  writes,  the  Superintendent  of  the 
Louisiana  State  Military  Academy,  a  position  which 
General  Sherman  held  just  before  the  war.  The  letter 
follows  this  one  of  Senator  Sherman's. 

LOUISIANA  STATE  SEMINARY,  May  1,  1866. 
GENERAL  W.  T.  SHERMAN, 
United  States  America. 

Dear  General :  Your  most  welcome  favor  of  12  ult.  is 
at  hand. 

I  am  glad  to  know  that  you  still  feel  so  much  interest 
in  the  seminary  as  to  use  your  valuable  time  in  writing 
me  such  wholesome  advice  regarding  its  management. 
None  can  appreciate  your  suggestions  more  than  I  do ; 
for  them  I  thank  you,  both  in  my  official  capacity  and 
personally ;  and  for  the  personal  interest  which  I  know 
you  have  always  taken  in  my  welfare  I  tender  you  my  most 
sincere  thanks.  In  the  late  war  through  which  the  coun 
try  has  passed,  I  was  opposed  to  you;  and  in  my  own 
feeble  and  humble  way  did  my  best  to  help  secure  the 
secession  of  the  Southern  States. 

For  you,  the  great  Federal  Commander,  I  feel  as  do 
all  good  Southerners,  not  amiably,  nor  yet  unkindly; 
for  the  noble  and  brilliant  manner  in  which  you  did  your 
duty  commands  our  admiration,  and  now  the  struggle  is 
over  and  I  am  one  of  the  poor,  subjugated  band,  I  can 


LETTER  FROM  D.  F.  BO  YD  273 

truly  say  that  I  have  not  a  particle  of  ill  feeling  towards 
any  man  in  the  Federal  Army.  On  the  contrary,  I  have 
a  few  friends  whom  I  value  none  the  less  for  whipping 
me.  Understand  me  rightly.  I  speak  with  no  cringing 
spirit.  Though  beaten  and  so  poor  that  none  do  me 
reverence,  I  am  patient  and  proud.  The  end  of  matters 
has  decided  that  the  rights  I  battled  for  were  in  vain. 
I  have  no  other,  and  none  will  I  ask.  I  have  taken  the 
oath  of  allegiance  in  good  faith,  hoping  to  be  allowed  to 
remain  in  the  country,  and  if  not  a  useful  citizen  to  be 
a  harmless  one. 

Certainly  I  have  no  intention  of  ever  again  attempting 
to  say  who  shall  not  be  President  of  the  United  States. 
I  am  cured  of  that.  That  question  must  hereafter  be 
decided  by  the  faithful  and  not  the  rebellious. 

For  a  similar  reason  I  am  addressing  these  lines  not 
to  the  General,  but  to  W.  T.  Sherman,  and  I  congrat 
ulate  myself  that  no  one  knows  the  difference  between 
the  two  characters  better  than  my  friend,  the  report  of 
whose  death  at  Shiloh  gave  me  great  grief,  when  I  was 
a  poor  rebel  soldier  lying  in  the  Rappahannock  mud,  and 
whose  "Union  Scouts"  (alias  Confederate  jayhawkers 
and  deserters)  two  years  after  kidnapped  me  and  took 
me  a  prisoner  to  him  at  Natchez,  where  he  treated  me 
both  like  a  prisoner  of  war  and  his  personal  friend! 
And  the  friendship  of  such  a  man  I  value,  and  hope 
ever  to  have  his  confidence  and  esteem.  .  .  . 

Your  chair  is  filled  by  Venable,  Kirby  Smith's  topo 
graphical  engineer.  He  has  extraordinary  capacity  and 
fine  character.  .  .  . 

In  one  way  you  can  be  of  great  use  to  the  seminary, 
and  I  claim  the  right  to  call  your  attention  to  the  matter. 
Although  I  have  bought  some  few  books  for  the  boys  to 
read  we  are  still  in  great  need  of  a  library,  and  as  I 


274  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

have  no  doubt  that  you  are  showered  with  patent  office 
reports,  military  books,  maps,  etc.,  much  of  which  you 
do  not  want.  Please  have  your  orderly  to  pack  up  the 
rubbish  and  send  them  to  us  by  Adams'  express,  I  to 
pay  all  charges.  If  not  in  all,  at  least  in  the  more  im 
portant  books,  put  your  name  as  donor.  I  would  like, 
also,  to  have  a  large  picture  of  you  in  citizen's  dress  (un 
less  you  prefer  your  uniform),  to  be  put  in  our  library  as 
our  first  superintendent.  By  sending  us  the  books  as 
asked  for,  you  can  really  do  us  great  good.  You  must 
know  that  we  outsiders  (not  being  represented  at  Wash 
ington)  can't  even  get  a  patent  office  report.  .  .  . 

I  must  beg  pardon  for  asking  you  to  read  so  long  a 
letter,  but  really,  when  I  sit  down  to  write  to  you,  the 
past,  so  pleasant  to  recollect,  and  the  present,  so  changed 
from  then,  make  me  feel  like  telling  you  all  I  know, 
and  think,  and  feel.  To  a  Southern  man  —  a  conscien 
tious  Calhounite  as  I  was  and  am  —  the  present  is  dark 
and  sad,  and  the  future  gives  but  little  hope.  It  is  all 
not  your  fault  nor  mine.  Present  me  most  kindly  to 
Mrs.  Sherman  and  your  children. 

Your  friend, 

D.  F.  BOYD. 


VIII 

Johnson's  reconstruction  policy  —  Severe  comments  by  Senator  Sher 
man  —  Strictly  impartial  attitude  maintained  by  General  Sherman 

—  His  mission  to  Mexico  —  Removals  of  officeholders  by  the  Presi 
dent —  General  Sherman  on  the  situation  in  Mexico  —  The  Four 
teenth  Amendment  —  Eulogy  of  General  Ouster  —  Reconstruction 
in  1867  —  Napoleon  III.  on  General  Sherman  —  The  Indian  troubles 
in  the  West  —  Candidacy  of  Grant  and  Chase  for  the  Presidency 

—  The  Indian  Commission's  incomplete  work  —  General  Sherman's 
advice  to  Johnson  —  The  removal  of  Stanton  —  Sherman's  invinci 
ble  opposition  to  being  in  Washington  —  Efforts  of  the  President  to 
make  him  Secretary  of  War  —  Difficulties  of  his  position  —  The  im 
peachment  proceedings  —  Comment  of  General  Sherman 

DURING  the  unfortunate  struggle  between  the  Presi 
dent  and  Congress  with  reference  to  the  Secretary  of 
War,  it  became  almost  impossible  for  General  Sherman 
to  keep  out  of  the  trouble.  The  President,  finding  him 
self  at  variance  with  Mr.  Stanton,  his  Secretary  of  War, 
attempted  to  remove  him  without  the  sanction  of  Con 
gress.  Mr.  Stanton  declined  to  leave  his  office,  and 
General  Grant  refused  to  comply  with  the  President's 
request  and  assume  the  position  of  Secretary  of  War. 
The  President,  believing  that  General  Sherman  was  more 
friendly  to  him  than  General  Grant,  made  several  at 
tempts  to  bring  him  to  Washington  and  to  send  General 
Grant  away  on  the  Mexican  mission.  General  Grant 
refused  to  be  disposed  of  in  any  such  manner  and  Gen 
eral  Sherman  declined  to  be  made  Secretary  of  War. 
But  he  offered  to  go  to  Mexico  in  General  Grant's  place, 
and  this  plan  was  finally  decided  upon. 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE  CHAMBER, 
WASHINGTON,  July  8,  1866. 

Dear  Brother :  It  is  now  wise  for  you  to  avoid  all  ex 
pressions  of  political  opinion.     Congress  and  the  Presi- 

275 


276  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

dent  are  drifting  from  each  other  into  open  warfare. 
Congress  is  not  weak  in  what  it  has  done,  but  in  what 
it  has  failed  to  do.  It  has  adopted  no  unwise  or  ex 
treme  measures.  The  Civil  Eights  Bill  and  consti 
tutional  amendments  can  be  defended  as  reasonable, 
moderate,  and  in  harmony  with  Johnson's  old  position 
and  yours.  As  Congress  has  thus  far  failed  to  provide 
measures  to  allow  legal  senators  and  representatives  to 
take  their  seats,  it  has  failed  in  a  plain  duty.  This  is 
its  weakness ;  but  even  in  this  it  will  have  the  sympathy 
of  the  most  of  the  soldiers,  and  the  people  who  are  not 
too  eager  to  secure  rebel  political  power.  As  to  the 
President,  he  is  becoming  Tylerized.  He  was  elected  by 
the  Union  party  for  his  openly  expressed  radical  senti 
ments,  and  now  he  seeks  to  rend  to  pieces  this  party. 
There  is  a  sentiment  among  the  people  that  this  is  dis 
honor.  It  looks  so  to  me.  What  Johnson  is,  is  from 
and  by  the  Union  party.  He  now  deserts  it  and  betrays 
it.  He  may  varnish  it  up,  but,  after  all,  he  must  admit 
that  he  disappoints  the  reasonable  expectations  of  those 
who  entrusted  him  with  power.  He  may,  by  a  coalition 
with  Copperheads  and  rebels,  succeed,  but  the  simple 
fact  that  nine  tenths  of  them  who  voted  for  him  do  not 
agree  with  him,  and  that  he  only  controls  the  other  tenth 
by  power  entrusted  to  him  by  the  Union  party  will 
damn  him  forever.  Besides,  he  is  insincere;  he  has 
deceived  and  misled  his  best  friends.  I  know  he  led 
many  to  believe  he  would  agree  to  the  Civil  Rights  Bill, 
and  nearly  all  who  conversed  with  him  until  within  a 
few  days  believed  he  would  acquiesce  in  the  amendments, 
and  even  aid  in  securing  their  adoption.  I  almost  fear 
he  contemplates  civil  war.  Under  these  circumstances 
you,  Grant,  and  Thomas  ought  to  be  clear  of  political 
complications.  As  for  myself,  I  intend  to  stick  to 


RUMORS  OF  INDIAN   TROUBLES  277 

finance,  but  wherever  I  can  will  moderate  the  actions  of 
the  Union  party,  and  favor  conciliation  and  restoration. 
Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 


During  August  and  September,  1866,  Senator  Sherman 
accompanied  General  Sherman  on  a  trip  to  the  western 
posts  including  Denver,  but  returned  through  Kansas, 
leaving  General  Sherman  to  complete  his  tour. 


HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OP  THE  MISSOURI, 

ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  Oct.  20,  1866. 
Dear  Brother  : 


I  got  back  all  safe  and  well  the  day  before  yesterday, 
having  met  no  trouble  whatever,  notwithstanding  the 
many  rumors  of  Indian  troubles.  These  are  all  mysteri 
ous,  and  only  accountable  on  the  supposition  that  our 
people  out  West  are  resolved  on  trouble  for  the  sake  of 
the  profit  resulting  from  military  occupation.  I  kept 
the  same  ambulances,  and  made  the  very  route  I  had 
prescribed  to  myself  by  Garland,  Lyon,  etc.,  to  Ells 
worth,  Riley,  etc.  The  railroad  is  finished  to  Riley,  so 
that  I  came  all  the  way  thence  in  cars.  .  .  . 

I  see  rumors  of  my  being  called  to  Washington.  Of 
this  I  know  nothing,  and  if  offered  I  shall  decline.  I 
must  keep  clear  of  politics  in  all  its  phases,  for  I  must 
serve  any  administration  that  arises.  I  am  not  aware 
that  I  have  ever  on  paper  expressed  any  opinion  of  this 
seeming  conflict  between  Congress  and  the  President.  I 
deplore  it  as  much  as  you  do,  and  still  hope  that  some 
solution  will  be  found.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


278  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

MANSFIELD,  Oct.  26,  1866. 

Dear  Brother:  Your  letter  of  the  20th  has  been  re 
ceived.  I  thought,  and  was  glad  to  hear,  that  you  had 
a  charming  trip.  I  saw  enough  of  the  mountain  region 
to  give  me  a  new  estimate  of  its  great  value.  In  some 
respects  I  regret  that  I  did  not  go  with  you,  but  situated 
as  I  am,  it  was  extremely  fortunate  that  I  returned  as  I 
did.  My  political  position  ought  not  to  be  misunder 
stood,  but  unfriendly  critics  took  occasion  of  my  absence 
in  the  canvass  to  attribute  it  to  duplicity  or  cowardice. 
The  President's  course  on  the  Civil  Rights  Bill  and 
constitutional  amendment  was  so  unwise  that  I  could 
not  for  a  moment  allow  any  one  to  suppose  that  I  meant 
with  him  to  join  a  coalition  with  rebels  and  Copperheads. 
Besides,  Johnson  was  elected  by  a  party  upon  professions 
before  and  after  his  election  and  inauguration  so  point 
edly  different  from  his  recent  course  that  it  appeared  to 
me  a  betrayal  of  those  who  trusted  his  professions,  and 
therefore  in  the  highest  sense  dishonorable.  But  worse 
than  all,  his  turning  out  good  men  —  sometimes  wounded 
soldiers  —  merely  because  they  adhered  to  their  party 
convictions,  and  putting  in  men  who  opposed  the  war 
throughout,  is  simply  an  unmitigated  outrage  that  will 
stain  the  name  of  any  man  connected  with  such  conduct. 
This  was  the  deliberate  judgment  of  nearly  every  man  in 
the  Union  party,  and  the  feeling  was  intensified  by  the 
President's  conduct  in  his  recent  tour,  when  he  sunk  the 
Presidential  office  to  the  level  of  a  grog-house. 

I  do  trust  you  will  not  connect  your  name  with  this 
administration.  You  lose  in  every  way  by  it.  Grant 
ought  not  to  ask  it,  for  in  the  common  judgment  it  places 
you  in  equivocal  relations  with  him.  You  will  have  all 
the  odium  caused  by  disappointment  in  the  reorganiza 
tion  of  the  Army,  and  will  have  a  most  difficult,  delicate, 


GENERAL   SHERMAN  AND   THE  PRESIDENT     279 

and  responsible  duty  to  discharge,  in  which  you  can  gain 
no  credit  and  may  lose  much.  Besides,  it  connects  you 
as  a  partisan  with  Johnson  —  just  what  he  wants,  but 
what  you  ought  to  dread.  What  can  you  think  of  the 
recent  telegrams  about  your  private  letter?  If  you 
wrote  a  private  letter,  what  business  had  they  to  make  it 
public  in  the  most  offensive  way  by  innuendo?  Grant 
and  you  are  above  the  ephemera  of  party  politics,  and 
for  the  sake  of  the  country  I  hope  will  keep  so.  Let 
Johnson  take  Cowan,  or  some  one  that  left  the  Union 
party  with  him,  but  my  convictions  are  so  strong  that 
you  ought  not  to  play  "Administrator  de  bonis  non" 
of  Stanton,  that  I  write  thus  freely.  If  you  conclude 
otherwise,  I  can  only  say  I  shall  deeply  regret  it.  ... 

Affectionately, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

After  returning  from  his  Western  trip,  General  Sher 
man  was  summoned  to  Washington  in  October  by  the 
President,  who  wished  to  make  him  Secretary  of  War. 

WASHINGTON,  Oct.  31,  1866. 

Dear  Brother :  I  got  your  letter,  and  have  this  morn 
ing  answered  by  telegraph,  but  wish  to  write  more  fully. 
When  here  last  winter,  I  did  not  call  to  say  good-by  to 
the  President,  and  wrote  him  a  good  letter  of  apology, 
enclosing  my  good  wishes  for  his  success  in  his  professed 
desire  to  accomplish  in  his  term  of  office  the  restoration 
of  Civil  Government  all  over  our  land.  When  I  got  in 
to  Eiley  I  received  a  despatch  from  the  President,  asking 
leave  to  publish  it.  I  answered  that  he  could  publish 
anything  I  ever  wrote  if  it  would  do  any  good, —  if  Mr. 
Stanbury  would  advise  it, —  but  desiring,  if  possible,  to 
avoid  any  controversy.  On  this  he  did  not  publish,  and 
I  have  not  made  any  request  in  the  premises.  I  don't 


280  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

believe  he  will  publish  it,  and  I  don't  care  much,  for  it 
contains  nothing  more  than  I  thought  then;  viz.,  in  Feb 
ruary  last,  when  I  got  here,  there  was  a  move  to  send 
Grant  to  Mexico  with  Campbell  in  an^advisory  capacity. 
Grant  could  not  then  be  put  to  one  side  in  that  way,  and 
on  my  arrival  I  found  out  that  the  President  was  aiming 
to  get  Grant  out  of  the  way,  and  me  in,  not  only  as 
Secretary  of  War  but  to  command  the  army,  on  the  sup 
position  that  I  would  be  more  friendly  to  him  than 
Grant.  Grant  was  willing  that  I  should  be  Secretary  of 
War,  but  I  was  not.  I  would  not  be  put  in  such  a 
category,  and  after  much  pro  and  con  we  have  settled 
down  that  I  shall  go  with  Campbell.  The  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  is  preparing  a  steamer  for  us,  and  it  will  be 
ready  next  week  at  New  York,  when  we  will  go  forth 
to  search  for  the  Governor  of  Mexico;  not  a  task  at  all 
to  my  liking,  but  I  cheerfully  consented  because  it  re 
moves  at  once  a  crisis.  Both  Grant  and  I  desire  to  keep 
plainly  and  strictly  to  our  duty  in  the  Army,  and  not  to 
be  construed  as  partisans.  We  must  be  prepared  to 
serve  every  administration  as  it  arises.  We  recognize 
Mr.  Johnson  as  the  lawful  President,  without  commit 
ting  ourselves  in  the  remotest  degree  to  an  approval  or 
disapproval  of  his  specific  acts.  We  recognize  the  pres 
ent  Congress  as  the  lawful  Congress  of  the  United 
States,  and  its  laws  binding  on  us  and  all  alike,  and  we 
are  most  anxious  to  see,  somehow  or  other,  the  Supreme 
Court  brought  in  to  pass  on  the  legal  and  constitutional 
differences  between  the  President  and  Congress. 

We  see  nothing  objectionable  in  the  proposed  amend 
ments  to  the  Constitution,  only  there  ought  to  have  been 
some  further  action  on  the  part  of  Congress  committing 
it  to  the  admission  of  members  when  the  amendments 
are  adopted;  also  the  minor  exceptions  to  hold  office, 


PRESIDENTIAL  APPOINTMENTS  281 

etc.,  should  be  relaxed  as  the  people  show  an  adherence 
to  the  national  cause.  ...  I  feel  sure  the  President 
is  so  in  the  habit  of  being  controlled  by  popular  majori 
ties  that  he  will  yield  —  save  he  may  argue  against 
Congress  and  in  favor  of  his  own  past-expressed  opin 
ions.  Congress  should  not  attempt  an  impeachment  or 
interference  with  the  current  acts  of  the  executive 
unless  some  overt  act  clearly  within  the  definition  of  the 
Constitution  be  attempted,  of  which  I  see  no  signs  what 
ever.  Some  very  bad  appointments  have  been  made,  but 
I  find  here  that  he  was  backed  by  long  lists  of  names 
that  were  Union  men  in  the  war.  Of  course  our  army 
cannot  be  in  force  everywhere :  to  suppress  riots  in  the 
South,  Indians  in  that  vast  region,  only  a  part  of  which 
we  saw,  where  whites  and  Indians  both  require  watch 
ing,  and  the  thousand  and  one  duties  that  devolve  on  us. 
This  army  can  never  be  used  in  the  political  complica 
tions,  nothing  more  than  to  hold  arsenals,  depots,  etc., 
against  riots,  or  to  form  the  nucleus  of  an  army  of  which 
Congress  must  provide  the  laws  for  government  and  the 
means  of  support.  Neither  the  President  nor  Congress 
ought  to  ask  us  of  the  army  to  manifest  any  favor  or 
disfavor  to  any  political  measures.  We  are  naturally 
desirous  for  harmonious  action  —  for  peace  and  civility. 
We  naturally  resist  the  clamor  of  temporary  popular 
changes,  but  as  each  administration  comes  in  we  must 
serve  its  executive  and  the  War  Department  with 
seeming  friendship. 

I  have  called  on  Mr.  Stanton,  who  received  me  with 
all  cordiality,  and  placed  at  my  disposal  ample  means  to 
execute  my  present  task  with  ease  and  comfort. 

I  start  from  here  to-night,  and  shall  reach  St.  Louis  on 
Friday  night,  ready  to  start  for  New  York  as  soon  as  the 
vessel  is  ready  and  as  soon  as  Campbell  is  ready,  say 


282  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

all  next  week.  ...  I  don't  know  that  I  can  come  by 
way  of  Mansfield,  as,  you  see,  I  must  move  fast,  staying 
every  spare  minute  I  can  at  home.  Write  me  fully, 
and  let  us  all  pull  together  and  get  past  this  present 
difficulty;  then  all  will  be  well.  .  .  . 

Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

In  the  fall  of  1866,  the  Hon.  Lewis  D.  Campbell,  of 
Ohio,  was  appointed  Minister  to  Juarez  in  Mexico, 
which  country  was  still  in  possession  of  the  Emperor 
Maximilian,  supported  by  French  troops  under  Marshal 
Bazaine,  although  Juarez  was  the  President-elect  of  the 
country. 

General  Grant  was  ordered  to  escort  Mr.  Campbell  to 
Mexico,  but  did  not  wish  to  go,  as  related  by  General 
Sherman,  and  the  latter  was  ordered  to  go  in  his  stead. 
On  November  llth,  General  Sherman  sailed  on  his  mis 
sion  on  the  United  States  ship  Susquehanna. 

UNITED  STATES  SHIP  SUSQCEHANNA  (off  Sandy  Hook), 

Nov.  11,  1866. 
Dear  Brother  : 

I  had  to  make  this  trip  to  escape  a  worse  duty,  and  to 
save  another  person  from  a  complication  that  should  be 
avoided. 

I  am  determined  to  keep  out  of  political,  or  even  quasi- 
political  office,  and  shall  resign  before  being  so  placed, 
though  I  cannot  afford  to  resign. 

I  hope  that  Congress  will  not  let  power  pass  into  the 
hands  of  such  men  as  Butler,  Phillips,  etc.  —  extreme 
men,  as  much  so  as  Davis,  Cobb,  etc.  We  have  escaped 
one  horn  of  the  dilemma,  and  ought  if  possible  the 
other.  But  it  is  too  late  to  argue  anything,  but  I  feel 
that  if  we  cannot  be  calm  and  temperate  in  our  country, 


GENEEAL   SHEKMAN'S  MISSION   TO  MEXICO     283 

we  have  no  right  to  go  to  Mexico  to  offer  ourselves  as 
their  example  and  special  friends.  You  can  write  me 
through  the  Navy  Department,  as  I  may  run  to  New 
Orleans  where  Sheridan  could  hold  a  letter  for  me,  but 
I  expect  little  the  next  two  months.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHEKMAN. 

WASHINGTON,  Dec.  3,  1866. 

Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  I  was  heartily  glad  you  got  out  of 
the  War  Department.  The  mission  to  Mexico  is  a  very 
honorable  one,  and  with  your  views  on  "  annexation  "  is 
a  very  safe  one  for  the  country.  We  all  hope  that  the 
French  will  go  out,  and  that  you  will  keep  the  United 
States  out.  We  want  as  little  to  do  with  Mexico  politi 
cally  as  possible,  and  as  much  trade  with  her  as  is 
profitable.  She  is  terribly  in  need  of  a  strong  govern 
ment,  and  if  her  mixed  population  would  elect  you  or 
some  other  firm  military  ruler  as  emperor  or  king,  it 
would  be  lucky  for  her,  but  a  bad  business  for  the  elected 
one.  I  have  never  seen  the  elements  of  a  stable  govern 
ment  in  Mexico,  but  she  has  physical  resources  that  might, 
under  a  firm  ruler,  make  her  the  second  power  in  America. 
Self-government  is  out  of  the  question.  The  worst 
enemies  of  Mexico  are  her  own  mixed,  ignorant  popula 
tion.  If  Maximilian  could  have  held  on,  he  would  have 
secured  them  physical  prosperity ;  but  sooner  or  later  the 
pride  of  our  people  aroused  against  European  interven 
tion  would  have  got  us  into  a  quarrel  with  him.  It  is 
therefore  best  that  he  leave.  What  you  can  do  for  or 
with  Mexico  we  will  see.  Your  military  reputation  and 
aptitude  with  all  classes  may  help  to  bring  order  out  of 
chaos.  .  .  . 

Your  reception  at  Havana  must  have  been  grateful, 


284  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

and  the  whole  Mexican  trip  will  no  doubt  close  agree 
ably  for  you  a  year  of  trials  and  ovations.  If  they  don't 
make  you  emperor  down  there,  we  will  welcome  you 
back  as  the  "  republicanizer "  of  the  worst  anarchy  on 
the  globe.  If  you  establish  Juarez,  come  away  by  all 
means  in  hot  haste  before  the  next  pronunciamiento. 

As  for  domestic  matters,  Congress  meets  to-morrow, 
very  much  irritated  at  the  President.  As  for  Butler  or 
impeachment,  you  need  not  fear  we  shall  follow  the  one 
or  attempt  the  other.  Johnson  ought  to  acquiesce  in  the 
public  judgment,  agree  to  the  amendment,  and  we  shall 
have  peace.  The  personal  feeling  grows  out  of  the 
wholesale  removal  of  good  Union  men  from  office. 
Campbell  is  as  responsible  for  this  as  any  man  in  Ohio; 
while  I  was  under  a  cloud  for  being  friendly  to  Johnson 
and  absent  from  the  State,  they  turned  out  all  my  special 
friends  and  put  in  Copperheads.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

SANTIAGO,  Nov.  7,  1866. 

Dear  Brother:  We  have  nearly  completed  the  circle 
without  finding  Juarez,  who  is  about  as  far  as  ever,  away 
up  in  Chihuahua  for  no  other  possible  purpose  than  to 
be  where  the  devil  himself  cannot  get  at  him. 

I  have  not  the  remotest  idea  of  riding  on  mule  back  a 
thousand  miles  in  Mexico  to  find  its  chief  magistrate, 
and  although  the  French  go  away  and  Maximilian  fol 
low,  I  doubt  if  Juarez  can  be  made  to  trust  his  life  and 
safety  to  his  own  countrymen.  We  found  Vera  Cruz  in 
possession  of  the  French  and  Maximilian,  and  we  found 
Tucapiso  in  possession  of  local  troops  in  the  interest  of 
Maximilian,  but  they  had  not  the  remotest  idea  where 
we  should  look  for  Juarez.  We  have  just  reached  here, 


THE  FEENCH  FAILURE  IN  MEXICO          285 

and  shall  to-morrow  go  up  to  Matainoras  to  meet  Gen 
eral  Escobedo,  who  can  possibly  fix  some  date  when 
Juarez  will  come  within  reach  of  civilization. 

The  truth  is  these  Mexicans  were  and  are  still  as  una 
ble  as  children  to  appreciate  the  value  of  time.  They 
shrug  their  shoulders  and  exclaim  "  Quien  sabe !  "  (who 
knows)  and  "Poco  tiempo"  (in  a  short  time),  utterly 
regardless  of  combinations  with  others. 

Mr.  Campbell  can  deal  with  none  but  Juarez  and  the 
Republican  Government  he  represents,  and  that  govern 
ment  partakes  of  the  characteristics  of  Mexicans;  viz., 
indecision  and  utter  want  of  combination. 

I  believe  the  French  want  to  leave,  but  would  like  to 
bring  us  into  the  scrape.  Their  scheme  of  giving  Mexico 
a  stable  government  has  cost  them  $  200,000,000  of  gold, 
and  the  whole  conception  was  in  hostility  to  us,  to  be 
ready  to  reabsolve  the  old  Louisiana  purchase,  where,  as 
Napoleon  calculated,  our  Union  had  failed.  But  our 
Union  has  not  failed,  and  the  French  are  willing  to  go, 
but  they  are  scattered  and  must  collect  before  they  can 
march  for  the  seacoast  to  embark.  By  reason  of  the 
everlasting  contest  between  the  rival  factions  of  Mexico, 
the  property-holders  desire  some  sort  of  stable  govern 
ment,  and  these  favor  Maximilian.  He  may  attempt  to 
remain  after  the  French  go,  but  I  think  would  soon  be 
forced  to  go.  Then  Mexico  must  of  necessity  settle  her 
own  difficulties.  Some  think  she  can,  some  that  she 
cannot  without  our  aid.  This  cannot  be  done  without 
Congress,  and  on  that  point  I  am  no  advocate.  All  I 
can  say  is  that  Mexico  does  not  belong  to  our  system. 
All  its  northern  part  is  very  barren  and  costly.  Its 
southern  part  is  very  good  tropical  country,  but  not  suited 
to  our  people  or  pursuits.  Its  inhabitants  are  a  mixture 
of  Indians,  negroes,  and  Spanish,  that  can  never  be  tor- 


286  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

tured  into  good  citizens,  and  would  have  to  be  extermi 
nated  before  the  country  could  be  made  available  to  us. 
I  am  obeying  orders  and  not  carrying  out  a  project  of  my 
own,  and  it  is  well  you  should  understand  it,  though  I 
cannot  impart  it  to  others. 

I  don't  know  what  policy  the  Administration  has 
adopted,  but  I  should  deplore  anything  that  would  make 
us  assume  Mexico  in  any  shape  —  its  territory,  its  gov 
ernment,  or  its  people.  Still  the  French  occupation 
designed  in  hostility  to  us  should  be  made  to  terminate. 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE  CHAMBER, 
WASHINGTON,  Dec.  27,  1866. 

Dear  Brother : 

On  the  whole  I  am  not  sorry  that  your  mission  failed, 
since  the  French  are  leaving;  my  sympathies  are  rather 
with  Maximilian.  The  usual  factions  of  Ortega  and 
Juarez  will  divide  the  native  population,  while  Maximil 
ian  can  have  the  support  of  the  clergy  and  property. 
They  are  a  miserable  set,  and  we  ought  to  keep  away 
from  them.  Here  political  strife  is  hushed,  and  the 
South  have  two  months  more  in  which  to  accept  the 
constitutional  amendment.1  What  folly  they  exhibit! 
To  me  Johnson  and  the  old  encrusted  politicians  who 
view  everything  in  the  light  of  thirty  years  ago  seem 
like  blind  guides.  After  the  4th  of  March  they  will 
rally  to  the  amendment,  and  it  will  then  be  too 
late.  .  .  . 

Very  truly  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

l  The  14th  amendment,  then  pending  before  the  State  Legislatures. 


THREATENED  INDIAN   WARS  287 

General  Sherman  returned  to  St.  Louis  from  Mexico 
by  way  of  New  Orleans. 

ST.  Louis,  Sunday,  Dec.  30,  1866. 

Dear  Brother:  I  came  up  from  New  Orleans  right 
through  the  country  that  I  had  been  the  means  of  raid 
ing  so  thoroughly,  and  did  not  know  but  I  should  hear 
some  things  that  would  not  be  pleasant,  but,  on  the  con 
trary,  many  people  met  me  all  along  the  road  in  the  most 
friendly  spirit.  I  spent  a  whole  day  at  Jackson,  where 
chimney  stacks  and  broken  railroads  marked  the  presence 
of  Sherman's  army.  But  all  sorts  of  people  pressed  to 
see  me,  and  evinced  their  natural  curiosity,  nothing 
more.  .  .  . 

I  expect  to  have  two  Indian  wars  on  my  hands,  and 
have  no  time  for  other  things.  The  Sioux  and  Chey- 
ennes  are  now  so  circumscribed  that  I  suppose  they 
must  be  exterminated,  for  they  cannot  and  will  not  settle 
down,  and  our  people  will  force  us  to  it.  It  will  also 
call  for  all  possible  prudence  to  keep  us  from  war  with 
the  Mormons,  for  there  are  people  that  yearn  for  the 
farms  and  property  the  Mormons  have  created  in  the 
wilderness. 

I  have  a  despatch  from  Mr.  Stanton,  saying  that  my 
action  in  the  delicate  mission  to  Mexico  meets  the  ap 
proval  of  the  President,  the  Cabinet,  and  himself,  so  I 
got  out  of  that  scrape  easily.  I  do  not  want  to  come  to 
Washington,  but  to  stay  here  quietly  as  long  as  possible. 
When  Grant  goes  to  Europe,  then  I  shall  be  forced  to 
come.  The  longer  that  is  deferred  the  better  for  me. 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

General  Sherman,  having  been  summoned  to  Wash 
ington,  writes  from  St.  Louis  on  January  8,  1867. 


288  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

Dear  Brother : 

I  need  not  say  I  don't  want  to  come.  There  can  be 
no  satisfaction  to  me  in  being  drawn  into  the  vortex  of 
confusion  in  which  public  affairs  seem  to  be.  I  cannot 
do  or  say  anything  that  will  influence  either  the  Presi 
dent  or  Congress.  If  the  President  be  impeached  and 
the  South  reduced  to  Territories,  the  country  will,  of 
course,  relapse  to  a  state  of  war  or  quasi  war,  and  what 
good  it  is  to  do  passes  my  comprehension.  Our  debt  is 
already  as  much  as  the  country  can  stand,  and  we  shall, 
with  Indians  and  local  troubles,  have  full  employment 
for  all  the  regular  army.  I  suppose  the  Southern  States 
will  then  require  a  standing  army  of  an  hundred  thou 
sand  men,  and  it  would  be  prudent  to  provide  them  be 
fore  the  emergency  is  created. 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHEKMAN. 

About  this  time  General  Sherman  writes :  — 

I  see  occasionally  that  a  move  in  Congress  is  made 
about  the  Mormons.  We  shall  this  year  and  next  have 
our  hands  full  with  the  Indians,  and  the  conflict  of  races 
in  the  South,  without  begging  any  new  cause  of  trouble. 
As  I  am  interested,  I  want  you  to  know  that  my  opinion 
is  emphatic  that  we  should  attempt  nothing  with  the 
Mormons  until  the  railroad  is  finished  as  far  as  Fort 
Bridges.  That  cannot  be  until  about  the  year  1869.  As 
long  as  cases  have  to  be  tried  by  juries,  all  laws  counter 
to  the  prejudice  of  the  whole  people  are  waste  paper. 

I  got  your  letter  a  few  days  ago,  and  am  glad  you 
feel  so  confident  of  the  political  situation.  I  am  not 


PRAISE  OF  CUSTER  289 

alarmed  at  the  fact  that  universal  suffrage  —  blacks, 
whites,  Chinese,  and  Indians  —  is  to  be  the  basis,  but 
the  devil  comes  in  when  we  shall  be  forced  to  contract 
the  right  of  suffrage.  It  is  easy  enough  to  roll  down 
hill,  but  the  trouble  is  in  getting  back  again;  but  I  am 
out  and  shall  keep  out.  ...  G.  W.  Ouster,  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Seventh  Cavalry,  is  young,  very  brave,  even  to 
rashness,  a  good  trait  for  a  cavalry  officer.  He  came  to 
duty  immediately  on  being  appointed,  and  is  ready  and 
willing  now  to  fight  the  Indians.  He  is  in  my  command, 
and  I  am  bound  to  befriend  him.  I  think  he  merits 
confirmation  for  military  service  already  rendered,  and 
military  qualities  still  needed  —  youth,  health,  energy, 
and  extreme  willingness  to  act  and  fight.  .  .  . 

WASHINGTON,  March  7, 1867. 

Dear  Brother:  .  .  .  You  will  have  noticed  that  my  name 
is  connected  with  the  Reconstruction  Law.  I  did  nothing 
but  reduce  and  group  the  ideas  of  others,  carefully  leav 
ing  open  to  the  South  the  whole  machinery  of  reconstruc 
tion.  The  bill  was  much  injured  by  the  additions  in 
the  House,  but,  after  all,  there  is  nothing  obnoxious  to 
the  South  in  it  but  general  suffrage.  This  they  must 
take,  and  the  only  question  is  whether  they  will  take  it 
in  their  own  way  by  their  own  popular  movements,  or 
whether  we  shall  be  compelled  at  the  next  session  to 
organize  provisional  governments.  I  hope  and  trust  they 
will  learn  wisdom  from  the  past.  Can't  you  in  some 
way  give  them  that  advice?  Three  years  ago  they  hated 
you  and  Johnson  most  of  all  men ;  now,  your  advice  goes 
farther  than  any  two  men  of  the  nation.  We  will  ad 
journ  soon  until  November  next.  The  impeachment 
movement  has,  so  far,  been  a  complete  failure.  Butler 
and  Logan  are  reinforcements,  but  will  effect  nothing. 


290  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

The  President  has  only  to  forward  and  inforce  the 
as  they  stand,  and  he  is  safe.  He  ought  not  to,  and 
must  not  stand  in  the  way  of  the  determined  movement 
to  recognize  the  rebel  States.  He  has  had  his  way  and 
it  failed;  he  ought  now  fairly  to  try  the  Congressional 
way.  I  think  some  of  going  to  Paris  in  April.  I  am 
tendered  an  honorary  membership  of  the  commission, 
and  a  free  passage.  The  occasion  is  tempting ;  if  I  go, 
it  will  be  about  the  middle  of  April. 

Affectionately, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

After  a  short  and  hurried  trip  abroad,  John  Sherman 
writes :  — 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE,  July  15,  1867. 

Dear  Brother:  .  .  .  I  have  no  time  to  write  you  more  as 
to  my  trip,  except  to  convey  the  earnest  personal  message 
sent  by  Emperor  Louis  Napoleon  to  you.  He  asked  me 
to  say  to  you,  in  his  name,  that  he  considered  you  the 
genius  of  our  war,  and  that  he  had  for  you  as  a  military 
man  the  highest  regard.  He  and  his  Court  treated  me 
with  unusual  attention,  no  doubt  partly  on  your  account. 
You  would  have  been  received  with  much  heartiness. 
While  I  am  glad  you  abandoned  that  excursion,  yet  I  hope 
you  will  arrange  to  go  this  winter  to  Paris  and  London. 

The  Indian  War  is  an  inglorious  one.  We  shall  prob 
ably  pass  a  bill  to  authorize  you  and  others  to  make  a 
treaty  with  the  Indians,  with  a  view  to  gather  them  into 
reservations.  I  have  many  things  to  write  about,  but 
must  defer  them  for  the  present. 

On  July  16,  1867,  General  Sherman  writes  to  his 
brother  of  the  Indian  troubles  in  the  West. 

I  have  good  Department  Commanders,  but  the  country 
is  so  large,  and  the  Indians  so  scattered,  that  we  cannot 


THE  INDIAN   TROUBLES  291 

foresee  where  they  will  turn  up.  Not  only  real  depreda 
tions  are  committed,  but  every  fear,  or  apprehension,  on 
whatever  it  may  be  founded,  is  published,  and  protec 
tion  claimed  and  demanded.  .  .  . 

You  have  doubtless  heard  much  of  the  war.  The  fact 
is,  this  contact  of  the  two  races  has  caused  universal 
hostility,  and  the  Indians  operate  in  small,  scattered 
bands,  avoiding  the  posts  and  well-guarded  trains,  and 
hitting  little  parties  who  are  off  their  guard.  I  have  a 
much  heavier  force  on  the  plains,  but  they  are  so  large 
that  it  is  impossible  to  guard  at  all  points,  and  the  clamor 
for  protection  everywhere  has  prevented  our  being  able 
to  collect  a  large  force  to  go  into  the  country  where  we 
believe  the  Indians  have  hid  their  families;  viz.,  up  on 
the  Yellowstone,  and  down  on  the  Bed  Eiver.  I  see  it 
stated  the  Indian  War  is  costing  a  million  a  week.  This 
cannot  be;  for  I  have  not  employed  anything  but  the 
regular  troops  or  the  regular  appropriations,  except  from 
companies  of  Kansas  volunteers,  who  know  they  can't 
get  any  pay  at  all  till  Congress  appropriates. 

I  have  sent  full  reports  to  Washington,  and  hope  Con 
gress  now  will  act  in  one  way  or  the  other.  A  commis 
sion  going  out  can  meet  only  little  squads  of  Indians. 
They  are  scattered  from  Minnesota  to  Texas,  and  if  they 
make  treaties  they  won't  last  twenty-four  hours. 

We  must  fight  the  Indians,  and  force  them  to  collect 
in  agreed-on  limits  far  away  from  the  continental  roads. 

I  do  think  this  subject  as  important  as  Keconstruction. 
Affectionately  yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


About  this  time  Congress  appointed  General  Sherman 
a  member  of  a  Commission  to  investigate  the  Indian 
troubles,  and  to  make  treaties  with  the  Indians.  This 


292  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

Commission  was  rendered  necessary  on  account  of  the 
discontent  of  the  Indians  with  regard  to  their  reserva 
tions. 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION 

OF  THE  MISSOURI, 
MADISON,  Wis.,  Aug.  3,  1867. 
Dear  Brother  : 

As  I  expected,  I  am  on  the  detail,1  and  have  official 
notice  that  I  shall  be  required  in  St.  Louis,  Tuesday, 
August  6th.  .  .  . 

I  got  your  message  from  Napoleon.  He  sent  me  a 
similar  message  by  Schofield,  but  I  would  hardly  venture 
to  France  as  the  representative  of  our  military  system, 
as  it  would  subject  me  to  heavy  expense  and  much 
trouble. 

Grant  told  me  he  would  not  accept  a  nomination  for 
President,  and  if  he  departs  from  this,  his  natural  con 
clusion,  it  will  be  by  side  influence,  and  because  no  good 
candidate  has  thus  far  been  brought  forward  by  the  rul 
ing  party.  I  don't  think  he  has  clearly  denned  political 
opinions,  but  would  let  Congress  and  the  departments 
work  out  the  problem  of  the  future,  which  is  probably 
better  than  to  form  a  theory  and  force  matters  to  con 
form  to  it.  ... 

Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  Aug.  9,  1867. 

Dear  Brother:  ...  It  is  now  becoming  extremely  im 
portant  to  know  precisely  what  Grant  wants  in  con 
nection  with  the  Presidency.  If  he  has  really  made  up  his 
mind  that  he  would  like  to  hold  that  office,  he  can  have  it. 
Popular  opinion  is  all  in  his  favor.  His  position  is  the 
i  The  Indian  Commission. 


GRANT  AS  A   CANDIDATE  293 

rare  one  of  having  that  office  within  his  easy  reach,  and 
yet  it  is  clear  that  his  interest  is  against  his  acceptance. 
The  moment  he  is  nominated,  he  at  once  becomes  the 
victim  of  abuse ;  and  even  his  great  services  will  not 
shield  him.  Our  politics  for  years  will  be  a  maelstrom, 
destroying  and  building  up  reputations  with  rapidity. 
My  conviction  is  clear  that  Grant  ought  not  to  change 
his  present  position  to  that  of  President ;  and  if  he  de 
clines,  then  by  all  odds  Chase  is  the  safest  man  for  the 
country.  He  is  wise,  politic,  and  safe.  Our  finances,  the 
public  credit,  and  the  general  interests  of  all  parts  of 
the  country  will  be  safe  with  him.  His  opinions  are  ad 
vanced  on  the  suffrage  question,  but  this  waived,  he 
would  be  a  most  conservative  President.  He  is  not  a 
partisan,  scarcely  enough  so  for  his  own  interests ;  still, 
if  Grant  wishes  to  be  President,  all  other  candidates  will 
have  to  stand  aside.  I  see  nothing  in  his  way  unless  he 
is  foolish  enough  to  connect  his  future  with  the  Demo 
cratic  party.  This  party  cannot  dictate  the  next  Presi 
dent.  They  would  deaden  any  man  they  praise.  Even 
Grant  could  not  overcome  any  fellowship  with  them.  If 
they  should  take  a  wise  course  on  future  political  ques 
tions,  their  course  during  the  war  will  bar  their  way. 
You  may  not  think  so,  but  I  know  it.  The  strength  is 
with  the  Eepublicans.  Not  of  the  Butler  stripe,  but 
with  just  that  kind  of  men  who  would  be  satisfied  with 
the  position  of  Grant.  The  suffrage  and  reconstruction 
questions  will  be  settled  before  the  election,  and  in  such 
a  way  as  to  secure  the  Kepublican  party  an  even  chance 
in  every  Southern  State  except  Kentucky.  .  .  . 

I  agree  with  you  that  Indian  wars  will  not  cease  until 
all  the  Indian  tribes  are  absorbed  in  our  population,  and 
can  be  controlled  by  constables  instead  of  soldiers. 

I  mean  to  remain  as  quiet  as  possible  this  fall.     I  am 


294  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

not  now  in  high  favor  with  the  Radicals,  and  can  afford 
to  wait  awhile.  The  election  in  Ohio  will  go  as  usual. 
The  suffrage  amendment  will  be  adopted  by  a  close  vote, 
and  that  will  settle  forever  the  negro  question  in  Ohio. 
A  reaction  and  struggle  may  occur  in  the  South,  but  no 
change  will  occur  in  the  loyal  States  until  they  decide  on 
financial  questions.  This  is  inevitable  after  the  next 
election.  .  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS,  OMAHA,  NEB.,  Sept.  12,  1867. 
Dear  Brother : 

As  to  politics,  I  hardly  know  if  I  should  approach 
Grant,  as  I  can  hardly  judge  of  the  influences  that  have 
operated  on  him  since  we  were  together  last  November. 
In  accepting  the  acting  office  of  Secretary  of  War,  I 
doubt  not  he  realized  the  delicacy  of  his  position,  and 
was  willing  to  risk  the  chances.  It  is  not  for  the  inter 
est  of  the  United  States  that  in  a  temporary  political 
office  he  should  sink  his  character  as  a  military  officer. 
In  the  former  he  should  be  in  harmony  with  the  execu 
tive,  but  in  the  latter  he  should  be  simply  a  high  sheriff 
to  execute  the  process  of  the  court.  My  belief  is  that 
Congress  cannot  qualify  the  President's  right  to  com 
mand  the  army  and  navy.  He  is  the  Constitutional 
Commander-in-Chief.  But  Congress  can  make  rules  and 
laws  for  the  government  of  the  army  and  thereby  control 
the  President  as  such  Commander-in-Chief.  In  trying 
to  array  the  President  and  General  Grant  in  antago 
nism,  Congress  did  wrong,  and  reaction  is  sure  to  result. 
It  damages  all  parties,  because  few  people  take  the 
trouble  to  study  out  the  right,  yet  time  moves  along  so 


MODERATION  COUNSELLED  295 

rapidly  and  the  election  of  a  new  President  will  soon 
settle  these  and  all  kindred  questions.  Yonr  course 
has  been  fair,  and  you  cannot  wish  to  alter  or  amend  it. 
Our  country  ought  not  to  be  ruled  by  the  extreme  views 
of  Sumner  or  Stevens  any  more  than  by  the  extreme 
views  of  Calhoun,  Yancey,  etc.,  that  have  produced  our 
Civil  War.  There  is  some  just  middle  course,  and  events 
will  flow  into  it  whether  any  one  man  or  set  of  men  is 
wise  enough  to  foresee  it  and  lay  down  its  maxims.  I 
think  Chase  is  the  ablest  man  of  his  school,  and  I  would 
personally  prefer  him  to  Wade,  Colfax,  or  any  of  the 
men  whose  names  I  notice  in  this  connection.  Whether 
the  precedent  of  a  Chief  Justice  being  a  political  aspi 
rant  may  not  be  bad,  I  don't  know.  This  is  the  Mexican 
rule,  and  has  resulted  in  anarchy. 

I  don't  think  Grant,  Sheridan,  Thomas,  or  any  real 
military  man  wants  to  be  President.  All  see  that,  how 
ever  pure  or  exalted  their  past  reputations  may  have 
been,  it  don't  shield  them  from  the  lies  and  aspersions  of 
a  besotted  press.  .  .  .  Grant  writes  me  in  the  most  un 
reserved  confidence,  and  never  has  said  a  word  that  looks 
like  wanting  the  office  of  President.  His  whole  nature 
is  to  smooth  over  troubles,  and  he  waits  with  the  most 
seeming  indifference,  under  false  and  unjust  assertions, 
till  the  right  time,  when  the  truth  peeps  out,  so  as  to 
defy  contradiction.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHEKMAN. 


296  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION 

OF  THE  MISSOURI, 
ST.  Louis,  Sept.  28,  1867. 
Dear  Brother  : 

We  have  now  been  near  two  months  on  the  Indian 
Commission,  and  I  can  pretty  closely  judge  of  the  result. 
It  cannot  be  complete  or  final,  because  it  will  take  years 
to  do  all  the  law  requires,  and  I  suppose  the  pressure 
will  force  Congress  to  do  something  conclusive  this  win 
ter.  According  to  existing  treaties  with  Indians,  they 
have  a  right  to  wander  and  hunt  across  all  the  railroads 
toward  the  West,  and  Henderson  thinks  we  had  no  right 
to  locate  roads  through  without  a  prior  assent,  and  by 
the  payment  of  damages.  Whether  right  or  wrong,  those 
roads  will  be  built,  and  everybody  knows  that  Congress, 
after  granting  the  charts  and  fixing  the  routes,  cannot 
now  back  out  and  surrender  the  country  to  a  few  bands 
of  roving  Indians.  Henderson  says,  also,  that  the  de 
mand  of  these  railroads,  stage,  telegraph,  and  other  lines 
on  me  for  military  aid  or  protection  were  not  contem 
plated,  but  that  these  companies  took  their  franchises  and 
contracts  with  a  full  knowledge  of  the  difficulties.  Now 
I  and  all  who  have  gone  before  me  have  acted  on  the 
general  theory  that  when  Congress  located  a  road,  that  it 
amounted  to  an  implied  promise  to  give  reasonable  mili 
tary  protection.  However,  by  the  time  Congress  meets, 
we  can,  I  think,  submit  to  you  some  general  plan  that  is 
practicable,  and  will  in  time  —  not  at  once  —  attain  a 
result.  .  .  . 

Yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

Early  in  October,  1867,  General  Sherman  was  again 
summoned  to  Washington  by  the  President. 


JUSTICE  TO  JOHNSON  297 

WASHINGTON,  Oct.  11,  1867. 

Dear  Brother:  I  have  no  doubt  you  have  been  duly 
concerned  about  my  being  summoned  to  Washington. 

It  was  imprudently  done  by  the  President  without 
going  through  Grant.  But  I  think  I  have  smoothed  it 
over  so  that  Grant  does  not  feel  hurt.  I  cannot  place 
myself  in  a  situation  even  partially  antagonistic  with 
Grant.  We  must  work  together.  Mr.  Johnson  has  not 
offered  me  anything,  only  has  talked  over  every  sub 
ject,  and  because  I  listen  to  him  patiently,  and  make 
short  and  decisive  answers,  he  says  he  would  like  to 
have  me  here.  Still  he  does  not  oppose  my  going  back 
home.  .  .  . 

On  Monday  I  will  start  for  St.  Louis  by  the  Atlantic 
and  G.  W.  Road,  and  pass  Mansfield  Tuesday.  Can't 
you  meet  me  and  ride  some  miles?  I  have  been  away 
from  home  so  much,  and  must  go  right  along  to  Fort 
Laramie,  that  I  cannot  well  stop  at  Cleveland  or 
Mansfield,  and  would  like  to  see  you  for  an  hour  or  so 
to  hear  your  views  of  the  coming  events.  .  .  . 
Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

And  on  his  return  to  St.  Louis  he  continues :  — 


I  have  always  talked  kindly  to  the  President,  and 
advised  Grant  to  do  so.  I  do  think  that  it  is  best  for  all 
hands  that  his  administration  be  allowed  to  run  out  its 
course  without  threatened  or  attempted  violence.  Who 
ever  begins  violent  proceedings  will  lose  in  the  long  run. 
Johnson  is  not  a  man  of  action,  but  of  theory,  and  so 
long  as  your  party  is  in  doubt  as  to  the  true  mode  of 
procedure,  it  would  be  at  great  risk  that  an  attempt  be 


298  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

made  to  displease  the  President  by  a  simple  Law  of  Con 
gress.  This  is  as  much  as  I  have  ever  said  to  anybody. 
I  have  never  by  word  or  inference  given  anybody  the 
right  to  class  me  in  opposition  to  or  in  support  of  Con 
gress.  On  the  contrary,  I  told  Mr.  Johnson  that  from 
the  nature  of  things  he  could  not  dispense  with  a  Con 
gress  to  make  laws  and  appropriate  money,  and  suggested 
to  him  to  receive  and  make  overtures  to  such  men  as 
Fessenden,  Trumbull,  Sherman,  Morgan,  and  Morton, 
who,  though  differing  with  him  in  abstract  views  of 
Constitutional  Law  and  Practice,  were  not  destructive. 
That  if  the  Congressional  plan  of  reconstruction  suc 
ceeded,  he  could  do  nothing,  and  if  it  failed  or  led  to 
confusion,  the  future  developed  results  in  his  favor, 
etc. ;  and  that  is  pretty  much  all  I  have  ever  said  or 
done.  At  the  meeting  of  the  Society  of  the  Army  of  the 
Tennessee  on  the  13th  inst.,  I  will  be  forced  to  speak,  if 
here,  and  though  I  can  confine  myself  purely  to  the  mili 
tary  events  of  the  past,  I  can  make  the  opportunity  of 
stating  that  in  no  event  will  I  be  drawn  into  the  compli 
cations  of  the  civil  politics  of  this  country. 

If  Congress  could  meet  and  confine  itself  to  current 
and  committee  business,  I  feel  certain  that  everything 
will  work  along  quietly  till  the  nominations  are  made, 
and  a  new  Presidential  election  will  likely  settle  the 
principle  if  negroes  are  to  be  voters  in  the  States  with 
out  the  consent  of  the  whites.  This  is  more  a  question 
of  prejudice  than  principle,  but  a  voter  has  as  much  right 
to  his  prejudices  as  to  his  vote. 

Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


GEANT  A   CANDIDATE  299 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  Nov.  1,  1867. 
Dear  Brother  : 

I  see  no  real  occasion  for  trouble  with  Johnson.  The 
great  error  of  his  life  was  in  not  acquiescing  in  and 
supporting  the  14th  Amendment  of  the  Constitution 
in  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress.  This  he  could  easily  have 
carried.  It  referred  the  suffrage  question  to  each  State, 
and  if  adopted  long  ago  the  whole  controversy  would 
have  culminated;  or  if  further  opposed  by  the  extreme 
Eadicals,  they  would  have  been  easily  beaten.  Now  I 
see  nothing  short  of  universal  suffrage  and  universal 
amnesty  as  the  basis.  When  you  come  on,  I  suggest 
that  you  give  out  that  you  go  on  to  make  your  annual 
report  and  settle  Indian  affairs.  Give  us  notice  when 
you  will  be  on,  and  come  directly  to  my  house,  where  we 
will  make  you  one  of  the  family. 

Grant,  I  think,  is  inevitably  a  candidate.  He  allows 
himself  to  drift  into  a  position  where  he  can't  decline  if 
he  would,  and  I  feel  sure  he  don't  want  to  decline.  My 
judgment  is  that  Chase  is  better  for  the  country  and  for 
Grant  himself,  but  I  will  not  quarrel  with  what  I  can 
not  control. 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

And  later  he  writes :  — 

If  you  can  keep  free  from  committals  to  Johnson,  you 
will  surely  as  you  live  be  called  upon  to  act  as  President. 
The  danger  now  is  that  the  mistakes  of  the  Republicans 
may  drift  the  Democratic  party  into  power.  If  so,  the 
rebellion  is  triumphant,  and  no  man  active  in  suppress 
ing  it  will  be  trusted  or  honored.  Grant  is  not  injured 
by  his  correspondence  with  Johnson,  but  no  doubt  feels 
annoyed.  .  .  . 


300  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

At  this  time  President  Johnson  had  come  to  open 
disagreement  with  Mr.  Stanton,  his  Secretary  of  War, 
and  wished  to  force  him  from  the  Cabinet.  Mr.  Stanton 
had  refused  to  resign  and  had  been  upheld  by  Congress. 
The  President  then  turned  for  help  in  his  difficulties  to 
General  Grant,  commanding  the  army;  but  the  latter 
found  that  any  interference  on  his  part  would  be  illegal 
and  impossible. 

Mr.  Johnson  then  planned  to  create  a  new  office  for 
General  Sherman,  that  of  Brevet  General  of  the  army, 
in  order  to  bring  him  to  Washington. 

The  following  letters  and  telegrams  refer  to  this  diffi 
culty. 

CONFIDENTIAL. 

LIBRARY  ROOM,  WAR  DEPARTMENT, 
WASHINGTON,  D.C.,  Jan.  31,  1868. 
To  THE  PRESIDENT: 

Since  our  interview  of  yesterday  I  have  given  the 
subject  of  our  conversation  all  my  thoughts,  and  I  beg 
you  will  pardon  my  reducing  the  result  to  writing. 

My  personal  preferences,  if  expressed,  were  to  be 
allowed  to  return  to  St.  Louis  to  resume  my  present 
command;  because  my  command  was  important,  large, 
suited  to  my  rank  and  inclination,  and  because  my 
family  was  well  provided  for  there,  in  house  facilities, 
schools,  living,  and  agreeable  society. 

Whilst,  on  the  other  hand,  Washington  was  for  many 
(to  me)  good  reasons  highly  objectionable.  Especially 
because  it  is  the  political  capital  of  the  country  and  focus 
of  intrigue,  gossip,  and  slander.  Your  personal  prefer 
ences  were,  as  expressed,  to  make  a  new  department  East 
adequate  to  my  rank,  with  headquarters  at  Washington, 
and  to  assign  me  to  its  command  —  to  remove  my  family 
here,  and  to  avail  myself  of  its  schools,  etc. ;  to  remove 
Mr.  Stanton  from  his  office  as  Secretary  of  War,  and 
have  me  to  discharge  the  duties. 


INFLUENCES  OF  WASHINGTON  301 

To  effect  this  removal  two  modes  were  indicated :  to 
simply  cause  him  to  quit  the  War  Office  building  and 
notify  the  Treasury  Department  and  the  Army  Staff 
Departments  no  longer  to  respect  him  as  Secretary  of 
War;  or  to  remove  him,  and  submit  my  name  to  the 
Senate  for  confirmation.  Permit  me  to  discuss  these 
points  a  little,  and  I  will  premise  by  saying  that  I  have 
spoken  to  no  one  on  the  subject,  and  have  not  even  seen 
Mr.  Ewing,  Mr.  Stanberry,  or  General  Grant  since  I  was 
with  you. 

It  has  been  the  rule  and  custom  of  our  army  since  the 
organization  of  the  Government  that  the  second  officer 
of  the  army  should  be  at  the  second  (in  importance)  com 
mand,  and  remote  from  general  headquarters.  To  bring 
me  to  Washington  would  put  three  heads  to  an  army, — 
yourself,  General  Grant,  and  myself, —  and  we  would  be 
more  than  human  if  we  were  not  to  differ.  In  my  judg 
ment  it  would  ruin  the  army,  and  would  be  fatal  to  one 
or  two  of  us. 

Generals  Scott  and  Taylor  proved  themselves  soldiers 
and  patriots  in  the  field,  but  Washington  was  fatal  to 
both.  This  city  and  the  influences  that  centred  here 
defeated  every  army  that  had  its  head  here  from  1861 
to  1865,  and  would  have  overwhelmed  General  Grant  at 
Spottsylvania  and  Petersburg  had  he  not  been  fortified 
by  a  strong  reputation  already  hard  earned,  and  because 
no  one  then  living  coveted  the  place.  Whereas  in  the 
West  we  made  progress  from  the  start,  because  there  was 
no  political  capital  near  enough  to  poison  our  minds  and 
kindle  into  light  that  craving  itching  for  fame  which  has 
killed  more  good  men  than  bullets.  I  have  been  with 
General  Grant  in  the  midst  of  death  and  slaughter  — 
when  the  howls  of  people  reached  him  after  Shiloh; 
when  messengers  were  speeding  to  and  fro  between  his 


302  THE  SHEEMAN  LETTERS 

army  and  Washington,  bearing  slanders  to  induce  his  re 
moval  before  he  took  Vicksburg;  in  Chattanooga,  when 
the  soldiers  were  stealing  the  corn  of  the  starving  mules 
to  satisfy  their  own  hunger ;  at  Nashville,  when  he  was 
ordered  to  the  "  forlorn  hope  "  to  command  the  army  of 
the  Potomac,  so  often  defeated  —  and  yet  I  never  saw 
him  more  troubled  than  since  he  has  been  in  Washing 
ton,  and  been  compelled  to  read  himself  a  "sneak  and 
deceiver,"  based  on  reports  of  four  of  the  Cabinet,  and 
apparently  with  your  knowledge.  If  this  political  at 
mosphere  can  disturb  the  equanimity  of  one  so  guarded 
and  so  prudent  as  he  is,  what  will  be  the  result  with  one 
so  careless,  so  outspoken  as  I  am?  Therefore,  with  my 
consent,  Washington  never. 

As  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  his  office  is  twofold.  As 
Cabinet  officer  he  should  not  be  there  without  your 
hearty,  cheerful  consent,  and  I  believe  that  is  the  judg 
ment  and  opinion  of  every  fair-minded  man.  As  the 
holder  of  a  civil  office,  having  the  supervision  of  monies 
appropriated  by  Congress,  and  of  contracts  for  army 
supplies,  I  do  think  Congress,  or  the  Senate  by  dele 
gation  from  Congress,  has  a  lawful  right  to  be  consulted. 
At  all  events,  I  would  not  risk  a  suit  or  contest  on  that 
phase  of  the  question.  The  Law  of  Congress  of  March 
2,  1867.  prescribing  the  manner  in  which  orders  and  in 
structions  relating  to  "  Military  Movements  "  shall  reach 
the  army  gives  you,  as  Constitutional  Commander-in- 
Chief,  the  very  power  you  want  to  exercise,  and  enables 
you  to  prevent  the  Secretary  from  making  any  such 
orders  and  instructions,  and  consequently  he  cannot  con 
trol  the  army,  but  is  limited  and  restricted  to  a  duty 
that  an  auditor  of  the  Treasury  could  perform.  You 
certainly  can  afford  to  await  the  result.  The  executive 
power  is  not  weakened,  but,  rather,  strengthened.  Surely 


LETTER   TO  THE  PRESIDENT  303 

he  is  not  such  an  obstruction  as  would  warrant  violence 
or  even  a  show  of  force  which  could  produce  the  very 
reaction  and  clamor  that  he  hopes  for,  to  save  him  from 
the  absurdity  of  holding  an  empty  office  "  for  the  safety 
of  the  country." 

With  great  respect, 

Yours  truly, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION 

OF  THE  MISSOURI, 
ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  Feb.  14,  1868. 
To  THE  PRESIDENT  : 

Dear  Sir :  It  is  hard  for  me  to  conceive  you  would 
purposely  do  me  an  unkindness,  unless  under  the  press 
ure  of  a  sense  of  public  duty,  or  because  you  do  not 
believe  me  sincere. 

I  was  in  hopes,  since  my  letter  to  you  of  the  31st  of 
January,  that  you  had  concluded  to  pass  over  that  pur 
pose  of  yours,  expressed  more  than  once  in  conversation, 
to  organize  a  new  command  for  me  in  the  East,  with 
headquarters  in  Washington ;  but  a  telegram  from  Gen 
eral  Grant  of  yesterday  says  that  "  the  order  was  issued 
ordering  you"  (me)  "to  Atlantic  division";  and  the 
newspapers  of  this  morning  contain  the  same  informa 
tion,  with  the  addition  that  I  have  been  nominated  as 
"Brevet  General."  I  have  telegraphed  to  my  own 
brother  in  the  Senate  to  oppose  my  confirmation,  on  the 
ground  that  the  two  higher  grades  in  the  army  ought 
not  to  be  complicated  with  brevets,  and  I  trust  you  will 
conceive  my  motives  aright.  If  I  could  see  my  way  clear 
to  maintain  my  family,  I  should  not  hesitate  a  moment 
to  resign  my  present  commission  and  seek  some  business 
wherein  I  would  be  free  from  those  unhappy  complica- 


304  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

tions  that  seem  to  be  closing  about  me,  spite  of  my 
earnest  efforts  to  avoid  them ;  but  necessity  ties  my 
hands,  and  I  must  submit  with  the  best  grace  I  can,  till 
I  make  other  arrangements. 

In  Washington  are  already  the  headquarters  of  a  de 
partment,  and  of  the  army  itself,  and  it  is  hard  for  me 
to  see  wherein  I  can  render  military  service  there.  Any 
staff-officer  with  the  rank  of  Major  could  surely  fill  any 
gap  left  between  those  two  military  offices ;  and  by  being 
placed  in  Washington  I  shall  be  universally  construed  as 
a  rival  to  the  General-in-Chief,  a  position  damaging  to 
me  in  the  highest  degree.  Our  relations  have  always 
been  most  confidential  and  friendly,  and  if,  unhappily, 
any  cloud  of  difficulty  should  arise  between  us,  my  sense 
of  personal  dignity  and  duty  would  leave  me  no  alterna 
tive  but  resignation.  For  this  I  am  not  yet  prepared, 
but  I  shall  proceed  to  arrange  for  it  as  rapidly  as  possi 
ble,  that  when  the  time  does  come  (as  it  surely  will  if 
this  plan  is  carried  into  effect),  I  may  act  promptly. 

Inasmuch  as  the  order  is  now  issued,  I  cannot  expect 
a  full  revocation  of  it,  but  I  beg  the  privilege  of  taking 
post  at  New  York,  or  any  point  you  may  name  within 
the  new  military  division  other  than  Washington. 

This  privilege  is  generally  granted  to  all  military  com 
manders,  and  I  see  no  good  reasons  why  I,  too,  may  not 
ask  for  it ;  and  this  simple  concession,  involving  no  pub 
lic  interest,  will  much  soften  the  blow  which,  right  or 
wrong,  I  construe  as  one  of  the  hardest  I  have  sustained 
in  a  life  somewhat  checkered  with  adversity. 

With  great  respect,  yours  truly, 

(Signed)  W.  T.  SHERMAN, 

Lieutenant-General. 


FURTHER   OBJECTIONS   TO   WASHINGTON     305 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSOURI, 
ST.  Louis,  Feb.  14,  1868. 

Dear  Brother : 

I  am  again  in  the  midst  of  trouble,  occasioned  by  a 
telegram  from  Grant  saying  that  the  order  is  out  for  me 
to  come  to  the  command  of  the  military  division  of  the 
Atlantic  Headquarters  at  Washington.  The  President 
repeatedly  asked  me  to  accept  of  some  such  position,  but 
I  thought  I  had  fought  it  off  successfully,  though  he 
again  and  again  reverted  to  it. 

Now,  it  seems,  he  has  ordered  it,  and  it  is  full  of 
trouble  for  me.  I  wrote  him  one  or  two  letters  in 
Washington  which  I  thought  positive  enough,  but  have 
now  written  another,  and  if  it  fails  in  its  object  I 
might  as  well  cast  about  for  new  employment.  The 
result  would  be  certain  conflict  resulting  in  Grant's  vio 
lent  deposition,  mine,  or  the  President's. 

There  is  not  room  on  board  of  one  ship  for  more  than 
one  captain. 

If  Grant  intends  to  run  for  President  I  should  be  will 
ing  to  come  on,  because  my  duties  would  then  be  so 
clearly  defined  that  I  think  I  could  steer  clear  of  the 
breakers,  —  but  now  it  would  be  impossible.  The  Presi 
dent  would  make  use  of  me  to  beget  violence,  a  condition 
of  things  that  ought  not  to  exist  now. 

He  has  no  right  to  use  us  for  such  purposes,  though  he 
is  Commander-in-Chief.  I  did  suppose  his  passage  with 
Grant  would  end  there,  but  now  it  seems  he  will  fight 
him  as  he  has  been  doing  Congress.  I  don't  object  if 
he  does  so  himself  and  don't  rope  me  in.  ... 

If  the  President  forces  me  into  a  false  position  out  of 
seeming  favor,  I  must  defend  myself.  It  is  mortifying, 
but  none  the  less  inevitable.  Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


306  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

[TELEGRAM.] 

WASHINGTON,  Feb.  14,  1868, 
FROM  ST.  Louis,  Feb.  14,  1868. 

To  GENERAL  U.  S.  GRANT, 
Commander  U.  S.  Army: 

Your  despatch  informing  me  that  the  order  for  the 
Atlantic  Division  was  issued,  and  that  I  was  assigned 
to  its  command,  is  received. 

I  was  in  hopes  I  had  escaped  the  danger,  and  now, 
were  I  prepared,  should  resign  on  the  spot,  as  it  requires 
no  foresight  to  predict  such  must  be  the  inevitable  result 
in  the  end. 

I  will  make  one  more  desperate  effort  by  mail,  which 

please  await. 

(Signed)  W.  T.  SHERMAN, 

Lieutenant-  General. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

DATED,  ST.  Louis,  Feb.  14,  1868. 
RECEIVED  AT  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  Feb.  14th. 

To  HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN: 

Oppose  confirmation  of  myself  as  Brevet  General  on 
ground  that  it  is  unprecedented,  and  that  it  is  better  not 
to  extend  the  system  of  Brevets  above  Major-General. 
If  I  can't  avoid  coming  to  Washington,  I  may  have  to 
resign. 

W.  T.  SHERMAN, 
Lieutenant-  General. 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSOURI, 

ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  Feb.  17,  1868. 
Dear  Brother  : 

I  have  not  yet  got  the  order  for  the  Atlantic  Division, 
but  it  is  coming  by  mail,  and  when  received  I  must  act. 


TELEGRAM   TO   GENERAL   GRANT  307 

I  have  asked  the  President  to  let  me  make  my  head 
quarters  in  New  York  instead  of  Washington,  making 
my  application  on  the  ground  that  my  simply  being  in 
Washington  will  be  universally  construed  as  rivalry  to 
General  Grant,  a  position  which  would  be  damaging  to 
me  in  the  extreme. 

If  I  must  come  to  Washington,  it  will  be  with  a  degree 
of  reluctance  never  before  experienced.  I  would  leave 
my  family  here  on  the  supposition  that  the  change  was 
temporary.  I  do  not  question  the  President's  right  to 
make  the  new  division,  and  I  think  Congress  would 
make  a  mistake  to  qualify  his  right.  It  would  suffice 
for  them  to  nonconfirm  the  Brevet  of  General.  I 
will  notify  you  by  telegraph  when  the  matter  is  con 
cluded. 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

[TELEGRAM.] 

RECEIVED,  WASHINGTON,  Feb.  20,  1868. 
FROM  ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  Feb.  20,  1868. 

To  GENERAL  U.  S.  GRANT  : 

The  President  telegraphs  that  I  may  remain  in  my 
present  command.  I  write  him  a  letter  of  thanks 
through  you  to-day.  Congress  should  not  have  for  pub 
lication  my  letters  to  the  President,  unless  the  President 
himself  chooses  to  give  them. 

(Signed)  W.  T.  SHERMAN, 

Lieutenant-  General. 


HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
WASHINGTON,  Feb.  21,  1868. 

Dear  Sir:  By  General  Grant's  direction  I  enclose  a 
copy  of  a  despatch  from  General  Sherman,  seeming  to 


308  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

indicate  his  preference  that  the  correspondence  in  ques 
tion  should  not  now  be  made  public. 

Respectfully  yours, 

C.  B.  COMSTOCK.,  B.B.S. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN, 
United  States  Senate. 


A  few  days  after  this,  General  Sherman  went  to 
Washington  in  response  to  the  President's  order,  and 
while  there  had  several  interviews  with  the  President 
relating  to  the  change  of  his  command.  He  objected 
very  strongly,  as  has  been  seen,  to  any  such  change, 
because  he  felt  that  he  could  not  hold  a  command  in 
Washington  without  interfering  with  Grant's  interests, 
and  because  he  had  a  rooted  objection  to  living  in  Wash 
ington  in  the  midst  of  the  turmoil  of  politics.  These 
objections  were  embodied  in  three  letters  which  General 
Sherman  wrote  and  showed  to  Grant  before  he  sent  them 
to  the  President.  One  of  them  found  its  way  into  the 

Eublic  press,   and  created  a  disturbance  which  called 
3rth  the  following  letters. 


HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

WASHINGTON,  B.C.,  Feb.  22,  1868. 
HON.  J.  SHERMAN, 

United  States  Senate. 

Dear  Sir :  The  "  National  Intelligencer  "  of  this  morn 
ing  contains  a  private  note  which  General  Sherman  sent 
to  the  President  whilst  he  was  in  Washington,  dictated 
by  the  purest  kindness  and  a  disposition  to  preserve 
harmony,  and  not  intended  for  publication.  It  seems 
to  me  the  publication  of  that  letter  is  calculated  to  place 
the  General  in  a  wrong  light  before  the  public,  taken  in 
connection  with  what  correspondents  have  said  before, 
evidently  getting  their  inspiration  from  the  White 
House. 


UNWARRANTED   NEWSPAPER  PUBLICATION      309 

As  General  Sherman  afterwards  wrote  a  semi-official 
note  to  the  President,  furnishing  me  a  copy,  and  still 
later  a  purely  official  one  sent  through  me,  which  placed 
him  in  his  true  position,  and  which  have  not  been  pub 
lished,  though  called  for  by  the  "House,"  I  take  the 
liberty  of  sending  you  these  letters  to  give  you  the  oppor 
tunity  of  consulting  General  Sherman  as  to  what  action 
to  take  upon  them.  In  all  matters  where  I  am  not  per 
sonally  interested,  I  would  not  hesitate  to  advise  Gen 
eral  Sherman  how  I  would  act  in  his  place.  But  in  this 
instance,  after  the  correspondence  I  have  had  with  Mr. 
Johnson,  I  may  not  see  General  Sherman's  interest  in 
the  same  light  that  others  see  it,  or  that  I  would  see  it 
in  if  no  such  correspondence  had  occurred.  I  am  clear 
in  this,  however:  the  correspondence  here  enclosed  to 
you  should  not  be  made  public  except  by  the  President, 
or  with  the  full  sanction  of  General  Sherman.  Probably 
the  letter  of  the  31st  of  January,1  marked  "confidential," 
should  not  be  given  out  at  all. 

Yours  truly, 

U.  S.  GKANT. 


The  following  letter  was  addressed  to  the  "  National 
Intelligencer,"  a  Washington  newspaper. 


UNITED  STATES   SENATE  CHAMBER, 
WASHINGTON,  Feb.  22,  1868. 

Gentlemen:  The  publication  in  your  paper  yesterday 
of  General  Sherman's  note  to  the  President,  and  its 
simultaneous  transmission  by  telegraph  unaccompanied 
by  subsequent  letters  withheld  by  the  President  because 
they  were  "private,"  is  so  unfair  as  to  justify  severe 

1  See  General  Sherman's  Memoirs. 


310  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

censure  upon  the  person  who  furnished  you  this  letter, 
whoever  he  may  be.  Upon  its  face  it  is  an  informal 
private  note  dictated  by  the  purest  motives, —  a  desire  to 
preserve  harmony, —  and  not  intended  for  publication. 
How  any  gentleman  receiving  such  a  note  could  first 
allow  vague  but  false  suggestions  of  its  contents  to  be 
given  out,  and  then  print  it,  and  withhold  other  let 
ters  because  they  were  "private,"  with  a  view  to  create 
the  impression  that  General  Sherman  in  referring  to 
ulterior  measures  suggested  the  violent  expulsion  of  a 
high  officer  from  his  office,  passes  my  comprehension. 
Still  I  know  that  General  Sherman  is  so  sensitive  upon 
questions  of  official  propriety  in  publishing  papers,  that 
he  would  rather  suffer  from  this  false  inference  than  to 
correct  it  by  publishing  another  private  note ;  and  as  I 
knew  that  this  letter  was  not  the  only  one  written  by 
General  Sherman  to  the  President  about  Mr.  Stanton,  I 
applied  to  the  President  for  his  consent  to  publish  subse 
quent  letters.  This  consent  was  freely  given  by  the 
President,  and  I  therefore  send  copies  to  you  and  ask 
their  publication. 

These  copies  are  furnished  me  from  official  sources; 
for  while  I  know  General  Sherman's  opinions,  yet  he  did 
not  show  me  either  of  the  letters  to  the  President, 
during  his  stay  here,  nervously  anxious  to  promote  har 
mony,  to  avoid  strife,  and  certainly  never  suggested  or 
countenanced  resistance  to  law  —  or  violence  in  any 
form.  He  no  doubt  left  Washington  with  his  old  repug 
nance  to  politics,  politicians,  and  newspapers  very  much 

increased  by  his  visit  here. 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 


STAN  TON'S  REMOVAL  311 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE  CHAMBER, 
Feb.  23,  1868. 

Dear  Brother :  I  received  your  letters  and  telegrams, 
and  did  not  answer  because  events  were  moving  so  rap 
idly  that  I  could  say  nothing  but  might  be  upset  before 
you  got  the  letter. 

Now  you  can  congratulate  yourself  upon  being  clear  of 
the  worst  complications  we  have  ever  had.  Impeachment 
seems  to  be  a  foregone  conclusion  so  far  as  the  House 
of  Kepresentatives  is  concerned,  based  upon  the  alleged 
forcible  expulsion  of  Stanton.  No  one  disputes  the  right 
of  the  President  to  raise  a  question  of  law  upon  his  right 
to  remove  Stanton,  but  the  forcible  removal  of  a  man  in 
office,  claiming  to  be  in  lawfully,  is  like  the  forcible 
ejectment  of  a  tenant  when  his  right  of  possession  is  in 
dispute.  It  is  a  trespass,  an  assault,  a  riot,  or  a  crime, 
according  to  the  result  of  the  force.  It  is  strange  the 
President  can  contemplate  such  a  thing,  when  Stanton 
is  already  stripped  of  power,  and  the  courts  are  open  to 
the  President  to  try  his  right  of  removal.  The  Presi 
dent  is  acting  very  badly  with  respect  to  you.  He 
creates  the  impression  that  you  acted  disingenuously 
with  him.  He  has  published  your  short  private  note 
before  you  went  to  Annapolis,  and  yet  refuses  to  publish 
your  formal  one  subsequently  sent  him,  because  it  was 
"private."  The  truth  is,  he  is  a  slave  to  his  passions 
and  resentments.  No  man  can  confide  in  him,  and  you 
ought  to  feel  happy  at  your  extrication  from  all  near 
connection  with  him.  .  .  .  Grant  is  anxious  to  have 
your  letters  published,  since  the  note  referred  to  was 
published.  I  will  see  Grant  and  the  President  this 
evening,  and  if  the  latter  freely  consents,  I  will  do  it 
informally ;  but  if  he  doubts  or  hesitates,  I  will  not  with 
out  your  expressed  directions.  In  these  times  of  loose 


312  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

confidence,  it  is  better  to  submit  for  a  time  to  a  wrong 
construction,  than  to  betray  confidential  communica 
tions.  Grant  will,  unquestionably,  be  nominated. 
Chase  acquiesces,  and  I  see  no  reason  to  doubt  his  elec 
tion.  .  .  .* 

Affectionately, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION 

OF  THE  MISSOURI, 
ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  Feb.  25,  1868. 
Dear  Brother : 

I  am  in  possession  of  all  the  news  up  to  date, —  the 
passage  of  the  impeachment,  resolution,  etc.,  —  but  I  yet 
don't  know  if  the  nomination  of  T.  Ewing,  Senior,  was  a 
real  thing  or  meant  to  compromise  a  difficulty. 

The  publication  of  my  short  note  of  January  18th,  is 
nothing  to  me.  I  have  the  original  draft  which  I  sent 
through  Grant's  hands,  with  his  endorsement  back  to 
me.  At  the  time  this  note  must  have  been  given  to  the 
reporter,  the  President  had  an  elaborate  letter  from  me, 
in  which  I  discussed  the  whole  case,  and  advised  against 
the  very  course  he  has  pursued,  but  I  don't  want  that 
letter  or  any  other  to  be  drawn  out  to  complicate  a  case 
already  bad  enough. 

You  may  always  safely  represent  me  by  saying  that 
I  will  not  make  up  a  final  opinion  till  called  on  to 
act,  and  I  want  nothing  to  do  with  these  controversies 

1  The  trouble  which  President  Johnson  had  been  having  with  Mr. 
Stanton  ended  in  the  appointment  of  General  Lorenzo  Thomas  as  Sec 
retary  of  War  ad  interim.  This  resulted  in  the  articles  of  impeachment 
and  trial  of  the  President  before  the  Senate.  The  final  vote  showed 
less  than  two-thirds  for  conviction,  and  so  the  President  was  acquitted. 
Mr.  Stanton  resigned,  and  General  Schofield  was  made  Secretary  of 
War. 


THE  PRESIDENT'S  TRIAL  313 

until  the  time  comes  for  the  actual  fight,  which  I  hope 
to  God  may  be  avoided.  If  the  Democratic  party  intend 
to  fight  on  this  impeachment,  which  I  believe  they  do 
not,  you  may  count  200,000  men  against  you  in  the 
South.  The  negroes  are  no  match  for  them.  On  this 
question,  the  whites  there  will  be  more  united  than 
on  the  old  issue  of  Union  and  Secession.  I  do  not 
think  the  President  should  be  suspended  during  trial, 
and  if  possible,  the  Republican  party  should  not  vote  on 
all  side  questions  as  a  unit.  They  should  act  as  judges, 
and  not  as  partisans.  The  vote  in  the  House,  being  a 
strictly  party  vote,  looks  bad,  for  it  augurs  a  prejudiced 
jury.  Those  who  adhere  closest  to  the  law  in  this  crisis 
are  the  best  patriots.  Whilst  the  floating  politicians  here 
share  the  excitement  at  Washington,  the  people  gener 
ally  manifest  little  interest  in  the  game  going  on  at  Wash 
ington.  .  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE  CHAMBER, 
WASHINGTON,  March  1,  1868. 

Dear  Brother:  Your  letter  of  the  25th  is  received.  I 
need  not  say  to  you  that  the  new  events  transpiring  here 
are  narrowly  watched  by  me.  So  far  as  I  am  concerned, 
I  mean  to  give  Johnson  a  fair  and  impartial  trial,  and  to 
decide  nothing  until  required  to  do  so,  and  after  full 
argument.  I  regard  him  as  a  foolish  and  stubborn  man, 
doing  even  right  things  in  a  wrong  way,  and  in  a  posi 
tion  where  the  evil  that  he  does  is  immensely  increased 
by  his  manner  of  doing  it.  He  clearly  designed  to  have 
first  Grant,  and  then  you,  involved  in  Lorenzo  Thomas' 
position,  and  in  this  he  is  actuated  by  his  recent  revolt 
against  Stanton.  How  easy  it  would  have  been,  if  he 


314  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

had  followed  your  advice,  to  have  made  Stanton  anxious 
to  resign,  or  what  is  worse,  to  have  made  his  position 
ridiculous.  By  his  infernal  folly  we  are  drifting  into 
turbulent  waters.  The  only  way  is  to  keep  cool  and  act 
conscientiously.  I  congratulate  you  on  your  lucky  ex 
trication.  I  do  not  anticipate  civil  war,  for  our  proceed 
ing  is  unquestionably  lawful,  and  if  the  judgment  is 
against  the  President,  his  term  is  just  as  clearly  out  as  if 
the  4th  of  March,  1869,  was  come.  The  result,  if  he  is  con 
victed,  would  cast  the  undivided  responsibility  of  recon 
struction  upon  the  Republican  party,  and  would  unques 
tionably  secure  the  full  admission  of  all  the  States  by 
July  next,  and  avoid  the  dangerous  questions  that  may 
otherwise  arise  out  of  the  Southern  vote  in  the  Presiden 
tial  election.  It  is  now  clear  that  Grant  will  be  a  candi 
date,  and  his  election  seems  quite  as  clear.  The  action 
of  North  Carolina  removed  the  last  doubt  of  his  nomina 
tion. 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION 

OP  THE  MISSOURI, 
ST.  Louis,  March  14,  1868. 

Dear  Brother :  I  don't  know  what  Grant  means  by  his 
silence  in  the  midst  of  the  very  great  indications  of  his 
receiving  the  nomination  in  May.  Doubtless  he  intends 
to  hold  aloof  from  the  expression  of  any  opinion,  till  the 
actual  nomination  is  made,  when,  if  he  accepts  with  a 
strong  Kadical  platform,  I  shall  be  surprised.  My  notion 
is  that  he  thinks  that  the  Democrats  ought  not  to  suc 
ceed  to  power,  and  that  he  would  be  willing  to  stand  a 
sacrifice  rather  than  see  that  result.  ...  I  notice  that 
you  Kepublicans  have  divided  on  some  of  the  side  ques- 


UNWISDOM  OF  IMPEACHMENT  315 

tions  on  impeachment,  and  am  glad  you  concede  to  the 
President  the  largest  limits  in  his  defence  that  are 
offered.  I  don't  see  what  the  Republicans  can  gain  by 
shoving  matters  to  an  extent  that  looks  like  a  foregone 
conclusion. 

No  matter  what  men  may  think  of  Mr.  Johnson,  his 
office  is  one  that  ought  to  have  a  pretty  wide  latitude  of 
opinion.  Nevertheless  the  trial  is  one  that  will  be 
closely  and  sternly  criticised  by  all  the  civilized 
world.  .  .  . 

Your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

At  this  time  John  Sherman  writes  from  Washington : 

You  notice  the  impeachment  proceedings  have  com 
menced.  As  a  matter  of  course,  I  have  nothing  to  say 
about  them.  It  is  strange  that  they  have  so  little  effect 
on  prices  and  business.  The  struggle  has  been  so  long 
that  the  effect  has  been  discounted.  .  .  . 

The  President  was  very  anxious  to  send  you  to  Louis 
iana,  and  only  gave  it  up  by  reason  of  your  Indian  com 
mand.  He  might  think  that  your  visit  to  Europe  now 
was  not  consistent  with  the  reason  given  for  your  re 
maining  at  St.  Louis.  Still,  on  this  point  you  could 
readily  ask  his  opinion,  and  if  that  agrees  with  Grant's, 
you  need  feel  no  delicacy  in  going.  No  more  favorable 
opportunity  or  time  to  visit  Europe  will  likely  occur.  .  .  . 

And  General  Sherman  responds :  — 

I  hardly  know  what  to  think  of  the  impeachment. 
Was  in  hopes  Mr.  Johnson  would  be  allowed  to  live  out 
his  term,  and  doubt  if  any  good  will  result  by  a  change 
for  the  few  months  still  remaining  of  his  term.  A  new 


316  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

Cabinet,  and  the  changes  foreshadowed  by  Wade's  friends, 
though  natural  enough,  would  have  insufficient  time  to 
do  any  good.  I  have  a  private  letter  from  Grant  as  late 
as  March  18,  but  he  says  not  a  word  of  his  political  in 
tentions.  So  far  as  I  know,  he  would  yet  be  glad  of  a 
change  that  would  enable  him  to  remain  as  now.  .  .  . 


IX 

A  new  Indian  Commission  —  Condition  of  the  Navajos  —  The  Impeach 
ment  vote  —  Removal  of  the  Sioux — The  canvass  of  1868  —  Election 
of  General  Grant  — The  question  of  resumption  of  specie  payments 
—  The  country  too  much  governed  —  General  Sherman's  Southern 
trip  in  1869— Succeeds  General  Grant  as  General  of  the  Army— 
Necessity  of  arriving  at  a  specie  basis  —  Trip  West  to  the  Pacific  — 
Declines  vigorously  all  political  office  —  Unsatisfactory  administra 
tion  of  army  matters  —  Trip  abroad  on  the  Wabash  —  Re-election 
of  Senator  Sherman  — Italian  days  —  From  Constantinople  to  Paris 
— Removal  to  St.  Louis  —  Use  of  the  army  in  the  South  —  General 
Sherman's  Memoirs 


IN  July,  1867,  the  President  approved  an  act  providing 
for  the  establishment  of  a  commission  empowered  to 
visit  the  different  Indian  tribes  then  at  odds  with  the 
Government,  to  listen  to  their  grievances  and  to  make 
treaties  of  peace  with  them.  General  Sherman  was  ap 
pointed  on  this  commission,  and  spent  the  spring  of  1868 
visiting  these  different  tribes.  His  letter  of  June  llth 
is  written  from  New  Mexico,  and  that  of  the  17th  from 
Denver,  while  on  this  duty. 

ST.  Louis,  April  26, 1868. 
Dear  Brother :  I  notice  the  Indians  are  getting  restless. 

This  is  natural,  for  the  department  has  been  unable  to 
fulfil  any  of  the  promises  we  held  out  to  them  of  ploughs, 
seed,  cattle,  etc.,  to  begin  their  new  life  of  peace. 

I  feel  reluctant  to  go  further  in  these  naked  promises, 
as  I  fear  our  Government  is  becoming  so  complicated, 
that  it  is  very  venturesome  to  make  promises  in  advance. 
I  have  the  written  guarantee  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Inte- 

317 


318  THE  SHERMAN  LETTEES 

rior  and  of  the  committees  on  Indian  affairs,  and  will  try 
and  impress  on  the  Indians  that  our  work  is  preliminary 
and  not  final  or  conclusive.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

FORT  UNION,  NEW  MEXICO,  June  11,  1868,  Thursday. 

Dear  Brother :  I  have  now  been  in  New  Mexico  three 
weeks  along  with  Col.  Tappan,  peace  commissioner,  for 
the  purpose  of  seeing  the  Navajos,  and  making  some  per 
manent  disposition  of  them.  By  a  debate  in  the  Senate  I 
see  you  have  a  pretty  good  idea  of  their  former  history. 
These  Indians  seem  to  have  acquired  from  the  old  Span 
iards  a  pretty  good  knowledge  of  farming,  rearing  sheep, 
cattle,  and  goats,  and  of  making  their  own  clothing  by 
weaving  blankets  and  cloth.  They  were  formerly  a 
numerous  tribe,  occupying  the  vast  region  between  New 
Mexico  and  the  Colorado  of  the  West,  and  had  among 
them  a  class  of  warriors  who  made  an  easy  living  by  steal 
ing  of  the  New  Mexicans  and  occasionally  killing.  .  .  . 

We  found  7200  Indians  there,  seemingly  abject  and  dis 
heartened.  They  have  been  there  four  years.  The  first 
year  they  were  maintained  by  the  army  at  a  cost  of  about 
$700,000,  and  made  a  small  crop.  The  second  year  the 
cost  was  about  $500,000,  and  the  crop  was  small.  Last 
year  the  crop  was  an  utter  failure,  though  all  the  officers 
say  they  labored  hard  and  faithfully.  This  year  they 
would  not  work  because  they  said  it  was  useless.  The 
cost  has  been  diminished  to  about  12  cents  per  head  a 
day,  which  for  7000  Indians  makes  over  $300,000,  and 
this  is  as  low  as  possible,  being  only  a  pound  of  corn,  and 
a  pound  of  beef  with  a  little  salt  per  day. 

Now  this  was  the  state  of  facts,  and  we  could  see  no 
time  in  the  future  when  this  could  be  amended.  The 


GRANT'S  ACCEPTANCE  319 

scarcity  of  wood,  the  foul  character  of  water,  which  is 
salty  and  full  of  alkali,  and  their  utter  despair,  made  it 
certain  that  we  would  have  to  move  them  or  they  would 
scatter  and  be  a  perfect  nuisance.  So  of  course  we  con 
cluded  to  move  them.  After  debating  all  the  country  at 
our  option,  we  have  chosen  a  small  part  of  their  old  coun 
try,  which  is  as  far  out  of  the  way  of  the  whites  and  of 
our  future  probable  wants  as  possible,  and  have  agreed 
to  move  them  there  forthwith,  and  have  made  a  treaty 
which  will  save  the  heavy  cost  of  their  maintenance  and 
give  as  much  probability  of  their  resuming  their  habits 
of  industry  as  the  case  admits  of.  ... 

Of  course  I  have  noticed  Grant's  acceptance.  I  take  it 
for  granted  he  will  be  elected,  and  I  must  come  to  Wash 
ington.  I  shall  not,  however,  commit  myself  to  this  pro 
motion  till  he  is  not  only  elected  but  until  he  vacates  and 
I  am  appointed  and  confirmed.  .  .  . 

Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


DENVER,  June  17,  1868. 
Dear  Brother : 


Yesterday  it  rained  very  hard,  whereby  the  telegraph 
was  interrupted  so  that  our  despatches  are  mutilated. 
Yet  they  contain  enough  to  show  that  impeachment  was 
not  made  final  by  the  vote  of  Saturday.  I  notice  that 
some  feeling  is  exhibited  against  Henderson.  I  believe, 
of  course,  that  he  has  been  actuated  by  the  best  and  most 
honorable  motives.  He  certainly  carefully  heard  every 
word  of  testimony,  and  all  the  arguments,  and  if  these 
led  him  to  the  conclusion  that  the  case  was  not  [made] 
out,  he  was  bound  to  vote  accordingly.  If  party  disci 
pline  is  to  ride  down  a  man's  sense  of  honor  and  right, 


320  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

Kepublican  government  cannot  and  should  not  last  many 
years. 

In  our  Indian  matters  I  think  we  are  making  as  much 
progress  as  could  be  expected.  The  great  bulk  of  the 
Sioux  have  agreed  to  move  to  the  Missouri  where  they 
will  be  too  far  away  from  the  railroad  to  be  provoked  to 
do  it  damage,  and  where  the  appropriations  for  their 
benefit  can  be  more  economically  and  faithfully  applied. 
Some  small  bands  will  always  be  warlike  and  mischiev 
ous,  but  the  game  of  war  will  be  simplified  by  their  sepa 
ration.  The  same  as  to  the  Cheyennes,  etc.,  below  the 
Arkansas.  The  commission  for  present  peace  had  to  con 
cede  a  right  to  hunt  buffaloes  as  long  as  they  last,  and 
this  may  lead  to  collisions,  but  it  will  not  be  long  before 
all  the  buffaloes  are  extinct  near  and  between  the  rail 
roads,  after  which  the  Indians  will  have  no  reason  to 
approach  either  railroad.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

In  July  he  writes  again  from  St.  Louis  :  — 

Of  course  Grant  will  be  elected.  I  have  just  travelled 
with  him  for  two  weeks,  and  the  curiosity  to  see  him 
exhausted  his  and  my  patience.  He  is  now  cached  down 
at  his  ranch  eleven  miles  below  the  city.  .  .  . 

In  September  John  Sherman  writes  from  Philadel 
phia  :  — 


Grant  will  surely  be  elected.     If  not,  we  shall  have  the 
devil  to  pay,  and  shall  have  to  fight  all  our  old  political 


CAMPAIGNING  AGAINST  THE  INDIANS       321 

issues  over  again.  All  indications  are  now  in  favor  of 
the  overwhelming  defeat  of  Seymour  on  account  of 
the  rebel  and  Copperhead  stand  of  the  New  York  con 
vention.  .  . 

And  later  he  writes  from  Washington :  — 

I  resume  at  once  the  canvass,  and  am  working  very 
hard.  The  election  of  Grant  seems  our  only  salvation 
from  serious  trouble. 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OP  THE  MISSOURI, 

Sept.  23,  1868. 
Dear  Brother : 

The  Indian  War  on  the  plains  need  simply  amount  to 
this.  We  have  now  selected  and  provided  reservations 
for  all,  off  the  great  roads.  All  who  cling  to  their  old 
hunting  grounds  are  hostile  and  will  remain  so  till  killed 
off.  We  will  have  a  sort  of  predatory  war  for  years, 
every  now  and  then  be  shocked  by  the  indiscriminate  mur 
der  of  travellers  and  settlers,  but  the  country  is  so  large, 
and  the  advantage  of  the  Indians  so  great,  that  we  cannot 
make  a  single  war  and  end  it.  From  the  nature  of 
things  we  must  take  chances  and  clean  out  Indians  as 
we  encounter  them. 

Our  troops  are  now  scattered  and  have  daily  chases  and 
skirmishes,  sometimes  getting  the  best  and  sometimes  the 
worst,  but  the  Indians  have  this  great  advantage,  —  they 
can  steal  fresh  horses  when  they  need  them  and  drop  the 
jaded  ones.  We  must  operate  each  man  to  his  own  horse, 
and  cannot  renew  except  by  purchase  in  a  distant  and 
cheap  market. 

I  will  keep  things  thus,  and  when  winter  starves  their 


322  THE  SHEEMAN  LETTERS 

\ 
ponies  they  will  want  a  truce  and  shan't  have  it,  unless 

the    civil    influence   compels   me   again  as    it   did   last 
winter. 

If  Grant  is  elected,  that  old  Indian  system  will  be 
broken  up,  and  then  with  the  annuities  which  are  ample 
expended  in  connection  with  and  in  subordination  to  mili 
tary  movements,  will  soon  bring  the  whole  matter  within 
easy  control.  Then  there  are  $134,000  appropriated  for 
the  Cheyennes  and  Arapahoes,  all  of  whom  are  at  war, 
and  yet  the  Indian  Bureau  contend  they  are  forced  by 
law  to  invest  it  in  shoes,  stockings,  blankets,  and  dry 
goods  for  these  very  Indians.  They  don't  want  any  of 
these  things,  but  if  it  could  be  put  in  corn,  salt,  and  cattle, 
we  could  detach  half  the  hostiles  and  get  them  down  on 
the  Canadian,  two  hundred  miles  south  of  the  Kansas 
road. 

Grant  is  still  at  Galena,  and  I  doubt  if  he  will  get  to 
Washington  till  the  November  election  is  over.  I  have 
written  to  him  to  come  down  here  to  the  Fair  which 
begins  October  5,  but  the  Democrats  are  so  strong  and 
demonstrative  here  that  I  think  he  is  a  little  turned 
against  St.  Louis.  .  .  . 

Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

John  Sherman  spent  the  summer  of  1868  working  hard 
in  the  canvass  for  the  State  election  in  Ohio.  He  writes 
on  October  14,  from  Mansfield :  — 

The  October  election  is  now  over,  but  I  do  not  yet 
know  precise  results.  I  write,  supposing  that  the  Repub 
licans  have  carried  Ohio  and  Pennsylvania  and  perhaps 
Indiana.  Grant  is  much  stronger  than  our  State  or 
Congress  ticket,  and  will  get  thousands  of  floating  and 


GRANT'S  ELECTION  323 

Democratic  votes.  I  regard  his  election  as  a  foregone 
conclusion.  This  canvass  has  been  very  severe  upon  me 
and  I  shall  now  take  a  rest.  If  you  would  like  to  join 
me,  we  can  go  to  the  Lake l  and  have  some  fine  sport 
hunting  and  fishing.  This  relaxation  will  do  us  both 
good. 

On  October  30,  General  Sherman  writes  from  St.  Louis, 
assuming  that  Grant  will  be  elected :  — 

The  election  is  so  near  at  hand  that  further  specula 
tions  are  unnecessary.  I  have  written  to  Grant  that  I 
can  readily  adjust  my  interests  to  his  plans ;  but  if  he 
has  none  fixed,  I  prefer  he  should  go  on  and  exercise  his 
office  of  Commander  in  Chief  till  the  last  moment,  step 
ping  from  one  office  to  the  other  on  the  4th  of  March 
next,  and  calling  me  there  at  the  last  moment.  I  have 
told  him  I  don't  want  to  be  in  Washington  till  I  can 
assume  the  command  and  exercise  the  positive  duties  of 
Commander  in  Chief.  .  .  . 

Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


Meantime  the  election  had  taken  place,  and  resulted  in 
the  election  of  General  Grant  by  a  very  large  majority 
in  the  Electoral  College. 

ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  Nov.  23,  1868. 
Dear  Brother: 


I  know  that  Grant  esteems  you  highly  and  will  respect 
anything  you  may  ask.  He  may  offer  you  the  Treasury 
Department,  but  1  think  not.  He  will  think  you  more 

i  Lake  Erie. 


324  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

valuable  in  the  Senate,  as  the  Governor  of  Ohio  and  the 
Legislature  would  fill  your  vacancy  with  a  Democrat. 

Don't  approach  Grant  in  person  if  you  want  anything. 
Put  it  in  plain  writing  so  emphatic  that  he  will  know  you 
are  in  earnest  and  not  yielding  to  personal  importunity. 
Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

WASHINGTON,  B.C.,  Dec.  6,  1868. 
Dear  Brother  : 

I  never  expected  to  be  appointed  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  as  you  suggest  he  might,  for  if  he  thought  of  it 
I  could  not  accept  by  reason  of  the  political  complication 
of  the  Ohio  Legislature.  I  should  be  gratified  with  the 
offer  and  opportunity  to  decline,  but  I  suppose  in  this 
matter  he  will  not  choose  to  deal  in  compliments.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OP  THE  MISSOURI, 
ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  Dec.  20,  1868. 

Dear  Brother  : 

Grant  and  I  at  Chicago  had  one  or  two  stolen  inter 
views  in  which  he  said  he  would  leave  me,  as  I  wished, 
at  St.  Louis  till  the  last  minute,  viz.,  March  4,  and  he 
assured  me  that  he  would  oppose,  if  it  came  to  him, 
any  change  as  to  the  law  in  the  matter  of  the  office  of 
General,  or  the  diminution  of  salary.  The  only  trouble 
is  in  my  successor.  Halleck  is  out  of  the  question. 
Meade  comes  next  on  the  list,  but  is  not  a  favorite. 
Sheridan  comes  next  in  order  and  is  Grant's  preference, 
I  think.  Thomas  could  not  be  passed  over  if  by  the 
accidents  of  war  Sheridan  had  not  already  got  over  him. 


THE  RESUMPTION  QUESTION  325 

Thomas  is  universally  esteemed,  but  was  not  made 
a  regular  Major  General  till  his  battle  of  Nashville. 
Whereas  Sheridan,  at  least  13  years  younger  in  service, 
was  made  a  Major  General  for  his  Winchester  battle  the 
summer  previous.  So  I  think  Sheridan  will  be  chosen 
by  Grant  as  Lt.  Genl.  Say  not  a  word  of  this,  as  Grant 
will  not  wish  to  act  till  the  last  minute  of  time. 

We  had  the  most  enthusiastic  meeting  at  Chicago  pos 
sible,  and  on  the  whole  it  was  the  best  meeting  we  ever 
had  or  ever  will  have  again.  All  persons,  Grant  included, 
volunteered  the  most  fulsome  eulogies  of  my  short  ad 
dress  of  welcome,  which  is  badly  reported  in  the  tele 
graphic  despatches,  but  it  was  carefully  written  out  and 
will  be  correctly  printed  when  the  whole  proceedings  are 
booked. 

Yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE  CHAMBER, 
WASHINGTON,  Dec.  24,  1868. 

Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  Your  reception  speech  was  univer 
sally  approved.  I  saw  Grant  after  his  return  here,  and 
he  was  quite  exultant  over  the  whole  affair.  He  takes 
all  things  tranquilly.  .  .  . 

I  am  in  real  embarrassment  about  questions  that  I 
must  now  act  upon.  My  conviction  is  that  specie  pay 
ments  must  be  resumed,  and  I  have  my  own  theories  as 
to  the  mode  of  resumption,  but  the  process  is  a  very  hard 
one,  and  will  endanger  the  popularity  of  any  man  or 
administration  that  is  compelled  to  adopt  it.  Our  party 
has  no  policy,  and  any  proposition  will  combine  all  other 
plans  in  opposition  to  it.  ... 

Affectionately, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 


326  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 


HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY  DIVISION  OF  THE  MISSOURI, 

ST.  Louis,  Dec.  28,  1868. 
Dear  Brother : 

Of  course  I  don't  profess  to  understand  either  your 
bill  or  Mr.  Morton's.  I  should  like  to  see  a  consolidated 
5  per  cent  bond  gradually  substituted  to  replace  the  pres 
ent  bonds,  to  the  extent  of  2000  millions,  requiring  100 
millions  annually  for  interest,  and  a  greenback  for  the 
balance  of  debt,  say  five  hundred  millions,  and  all  other 
paper  money  withdrawn  and  prohibited.  I  think  Grant 
won't  commit  himself  to  more  than  the  general  idea  that 
the  debt  is  sacred,  and  leave  Congress  to  devise  the  ways 
and  means.  He  will  of  course  try  all  means  of  practical 
economy.  I  agree  with  him  perfectly  that  no  more 
money  subsidies  on  land  grants  should  be  made  now  or 
until  the  debt  is  in  good  shape.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


HEADQUARTERS  MILITARY   DIVISION  OP  THE   MISSOURI, 
ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  Jan.  6,  1869. 

Dear  Brother  : 

I  doubt  if  you  can  do  much  this  session  in  the  way  of 
financial  legislation,  and  I  hope  Congress,  on  reorganizing 
after  March  4,  will  follow  the  old  custom  of  not  doing 
anything  till  winter.  I  doubt  if  as  much  good  will  result 
from  debates,  as  from  observing  the  working  of  the 
present  system  of  finance  and  reconstruction.  Next 
winter  you  will  have  the  advantage  of  the  experience 
meanwhile,  and  Grant  will  be  there,  fairly  installed,  and 
better  prepared  to  execute  what  is  found  to  be  best.  If 


A   SOUTHERN   VISIT  327 

ever  a  country  was  too  much  governed,  ours  is.     Con 
gress  ought  to  set  the  example  of  short  sessions. 
Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


The  following  letter  was  written  from  St.  Louis  at  the 
end  of  February  just  after  General  Sherman's  return  from 
a  Southern  trip,  which  proved  very  interesting  to  him. 

My  visit  South  was  in  every  sense  agreeable.  My  old 
friends  in  Alexandria  did  all  they  could  to  make  us  wel 
come,  and  I  was  not  allowed  to  pay  a  cent  on  steamboat, 
at  the  hotel,  or  anywhere.  I  visited  several  plantations 
and  saw  negroes  at  work  for  wages,  and  seemingly  as 
free  and  as  conscious  of  their  freedom  as  the  blacks  of 
Ohio.  Boyd  was  perfectly  grateful  for  the  books  you 
sent  him,  which  were  in  the  library  and  marked  with 
your  name.  I  found  my  own  portrait,  in  full  uniform, 
in  the  main  hall,  and  in  the  library  many  books  on  our 
side  of  the  war.  Boyd  asked  me  for  army  and  navy 
registers,  post  surveys,  arid  railroad  surveys,  and  other 
national  books  that  I  have  and  will  send  him.  Of  course 
they  have  their  old  prejudices,  and  labor  to  prevent  their 
cause  from  sinking  into  one  of  pure  malignity,  —  but  as 
to  the  future,  he  promised  me  to  teach  his  pupils  to  love 
and  honor  the  whole  country.  He  preserves  all  my  old 
letters,  and  we  looked  over  many,  in  every  one  of  which 
I  took  the  highest  national  grounds  and  predicted  the 
ruin  of  their  country.  ^ 

The  marble  tablet  which  was  built  over  the  main  door 
on  which  was  cut  the  inscription  "  By  the  liberality  of 
the  general  government.  The  Union  —  esto  perpetua," 
was  taken  out  and  was  found  broken  in  pieces.  I  saw 
the  deposition  to  that  effect  in  Boyd's  possession,  but 


328  THE  SHERMAN  LETTEE8 

he  could  not  say  if  Vallas  did  it  of  himself,  or  on  the 
order  of  the  board  of  supervisors. 

You  remember  attention  was  called  to  that  inscription 
by  my  original  letter  of  resignation,  and  it  is  probable 
the  rebels  made  Vallas  take  it  out;  anyhow  Boyd  has 
ordered  an  iron  casting  of  same  size  and  same  inscrip 
tion,  and  promised  me  to  place  it  over  the  door  in  lieu  of 
the  marble,  too  much  broken  up  to  be  replaced. 

In  New  Orleans  I  was  cautioned  against  going  to  Alex 
andria,  which  was  burned  down  at  the  time  of  the  Banks 
expedition,  but  I  never  received  more  marked  attention 
by  all  classes,  and  not  a  word  or  look  reached  me  but 
what  was  most  respectful  and  gratifying.  In  like  man 
ner  I  had  the  most  pressing  invitations  to  stop  at  Jack 
son  and  Canton,  Miss.,  both  of  which  places  were  de 
stroyed  by  me.  I  do  think  some  political  power  might 
be  given  to  the  young  men  who  served  in  the  rebel  army 
for  they  are  a  better  class  than  the  adventurers  who 
have  gone  South  purely  for  office. 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


In  May,  1869,  General  Sherman  took  command  of  the 
army,  succeeding  General  Grant,  and  moved  to  Washing 
ton.  As  Senator  Sherman  also  lived  there,  no  letters 
appear  during  the  summer  of  this  year. 


HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. 

WASHINGTON,  D.C.,  Sept.  12,  1869. 
Dear  Brother  : 

I  now  do  both  duties,  Commander-in-Chief  and  Secre 
tary  of  War.  The  truth  is,  the  offices  both  united,  are 
easier  of  execution  than  either  separate;  because  the 


A    TRIP   TO   THE  PACIFIC  329 

Statutes  do  not  clearly  define  the  spheres  of  each,  and  a 
natural  conflict  or  suspicion  arises.  United  in  one  person 
settles  all  disputes.  In  the  present  attitude  of  things,  it 
would  be  a  good  thing  to  dispense  with  a  Secretary  of 
War,  and  unite  Army  and  Navy  in  one  representative 
in  the  Cabinet,  and  let  the  Internal  Revenue  go  into  the 

Cabinet.  .  .  . 

Yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  Oct.  10,  1869. 

Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  The  panic  in  New  York,  though 
disastrous  to  a  few,  will  do  good.  It  will  prove  the  abso 
lute  necessity  of  getting  upon  a  specie  basis.  This  pro 
cess  is  a  hard  one  and  will  affect  the  popularity  of  Grant's 
administration,  but  it  must  be  gone  through  with.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 


In  the  summer  of  1870,  General  Sherman  went  West 
to  the  Pacific  on  a  pleasure  trip,  getting  back  to  Wash 
ington  about  the  middle  of  October.  It  is  this  trip  to 
which  Senator  Sherman  refers  in  the  following  letter. 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  Oct.  21,  1870. 

Dear  Brother :  I  have  kept  the  general  run  of  you  dur 
ing  your  trip,  and  therefore  know  what  a  fine  reception 
you  had  on  the  coast. 

It  is  a  fatiguing  trip,  and  no  wonder  that  Lizzie1  is 
worn  out  by  it.  I  have  spent  the  summer  very  quietly 
and  pleasantly,  most  of  the  time  at  home.  I  did  my 
share  of  the  work  in  the  canvas  at  Ohio  and  Indiana,  but 
it  was  a  languid  one.  I  am  getting  tired  of  the  ceaseless 

i  The  General's  second  daughter. 


330  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

struggle  of  political  life,  and  above  all  dread  the  contest 
next  summer,  when,  if  I  am  a  candidate,  I  shall  have  to 
encounter  the  combined  opposition  of  every  Democrat 
and  of  every  Federal  office-holder  in  Ohio.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
WASHINGTON,  D.C.,  March  21,  1871. 

Dear  Brother:  A  few  days  ago  at  the  request  of  a 
mutual  friend,  I  sent  to  General  J.  E.  Johnston  at  Savan 
nah,  the  eight  volumes  of  the  report  of  the  committee  on 
the  conduct  of  the  war. 

In  writing  him  I  called  his  attention  to  the  recent 
feeling  here  on  the  subject  of  the  Ku  Klux,  and  that  I 
did  not  believe  he  or  the  Confederate  officers  were  either 
the  instigators,  or  passive  aiders  of  these  disgraceful 
acts.  .  .  . 

Affectionately,  etc., 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

General  Sherman,  while  Commander  of  the  Army, 
made  frequent  tours  of  inspection  through  the  West. 

FORT  KICHARDSON,  TEXAS,  May  18,  1871. 
Dear  Brother:    I  have  been  skirting  the  frontier  of 
Texas,  from  San  Antonio  to  this  place. 

Now,  for  the  first  time,  we  meet  mails  coming  from 
the  direction  of  St.  Louis,  and  have  New  York  "  Heralds  " 
of  May  1,  2,  and  3.  I  see  the  "  Herald  "  is  out  in  full  blast 
for  me  as  President.  You  may  say  for  me  and  publish 
it  too,  that  in  no  event  and  under  no  circumstances  will 
I  ever  be  a  candidate  for  President  or  any  other  political 
office ;  and  I  mean  every  word  of  it.  ... 

Affectionately,  etc., 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


THE  OFFICE  OF  GENERAL  331 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  or  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
WASHINGTON,  D.C.,  July  8, 1871. 

Dear  Brother  : 

I  saw  General  Grant  when  he  was  here  some  days  ago, 
and  we  talked  about  .  .  .  and  my  published  declina 
tion  of  a  nomination  by  either  party.  I  told  him  plainly 
that  the  South  would  go  against  him  en  masse,  though 
he  counts  on  South  Carolina,  Louisiana,  and  Arkansas ; 
but  I  repeated  my  conviction,  that  all  that  was  vital  at 
the  South  was  against  him,  and  that  negroes  were  gener 
ally  quiescent  and  could  not  be  relied  on  as  voters  when 
local  questions  become  mixed  up  with  political  matters. 
I  think,  however,  he  will  be  renominated  and  re-elected, 
unless  by  personally  doing  small  things,  to  alienate  his 
party  adherence  of  the  North.  .  .  . 

My  office  has  been  by  law  stript  of  all  the  influence 
and  prestige  it  possessed  under  Grant,  and  even  in  mat 
ters  of  discipline  and  army  control  I  am  neglected,  over 
looked,,  or  snubbed.  I  have  called  General  Grant's 
attention  to  the  fact  several  times,  but  got  no  satisfac 
tory  redress. 

The  old  regulations  of  1853,  made  by  Jeff  Davis  in 
hostility  to  General  Scott,  are  now  strictly  construed 
and  enforced ;  and  in  these  regulations  the  War  Depart 
ment  is  everything,  and  the  name  of  General,  Lieutenant- 
General,  or  Commander-in-Chief  even,  does  not  appear 
in  the  book.  Consequently,  orders  go  to  parts  of  the 
army  supposed  to  be  under  my  command,  of  which  I 
know  nothing  till  I  read  them  in  the  newspapers ;  and 
when  I  call  the  attention  of  the  Secretary  to  it,  he 
simply  refers  to  some  paragraph  of  the  Army  Regula 
tions.  Some  five  years  ago  there  was  a  law  to  revise 
these  Regulations,  and  to  make  them  conform  to  the 


332  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

new  order  of  things,  and  to  utilize  the  experiences  of  the 
war.  A  Board  was  appointed  here  in  Washington,  com 
posed  of  Sherman,  Sheridan,  and  Auger,  that  did  so 
revise  them,  and  they  were  submitted  to  Congress  with 
the  approval  of  General  Grant ;  but  no  action  was  taken. 
But  now  a  new  Board  is  ordered  to  prepare  another  set, 
and  this  Board  is  composed  of  a  set  of  officers  hardly 
qualified  to  revise  the  judgment  of  the  former  Board. 
I  propose  patiently  to  await  the  action  of  this  Board, 
though  now  that  war  is  remote,  there  is  little  chance  of 
Congress  giving  the  army  a  thought  at  all ;  and  if  these 
new  regulations  were  framed,  as  I  suppose,  to  cripple 
the  power  of  the  General,  and  to  foster  the  heads  of  staff 
departments,  I  will  simply  notify  the  President  that  I 
cannot  undertake  to  command  an  army  with  all  its  staff 
independent  of  the  Coinmander-in-Chief,  and  ask  him 
to  allow  me  quietly  to  remove  to  St.  Louis,  to  do  such 
special  matters  as  may  be  committed  to  me  by  the  Pres 
ident,  and  leave  the  Army  to  be  governed  and  com 
manded  as  now,  by  the  Secretary  of  War,  in  person. 
This  cannot  occur  for  twelve  months.  .  .  . 

I  have  said  nothing  of  this  to  anybody,  and  will  not 
do  anything  hasty  or  rash;  but  I  do  think  that  be 
cause  some  newspapers  berate  Grant  about  his  military 
surroundings,  he  feels  disposed  to  go  to  the  other 
extreme.  .  .  .  Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  July  16,  1871. 
Dear  Brother  : 

He l  will  be  nominated  and  I  hope  elected.  So  shall  I ; 
and  it  is  better  for  the  country  that,  in  our  relative  posi- 

1  Grant. 


A  EUROPEAN  TRIP  333 

tions,  we  are  independent  of  each  other.  I  hope  you 
and  he  will  preserve  your  ancient  cordiality ;  for  though 
he  seems  willing  to  strip  your  office  of  its  power,  yet  I 
have  no  doubt  he  feels  as  warm  an  attachment  for  you 
as,  from  his  temperament,  he  can  to  any  one.  You  have 
been  forbearing  with  him,  but  lose  nothing  by  it.  I 
have  seen  nothing  in  the  course  of  the  Republican  party 
unfriendly  to  you.  I  know  you  have  hosts  of  friends 
in  our  party  who  would  resent  any  marked  injustice 

to  you.  .  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHEKMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  Oct.  14,  1871. 

Dear  Brother :  The  Ohio  election  is  now  over,  and  you 
have  a  clear  working  majority  in  the  Legislature.  So  I 
infer  you  are  safe  for  another  six  years  in  the  Senate. 
I  hope  so,  and  was  told  by  Mr.  Delano,  in  the  cars  com 
ing  East,  a  few  days  since,  that  you  were  sure  of  re 
election. 

I  understood  from  one  of  his  revenue  officers  along, 
that  Delano  was  not  even  a  candidate  for  the  Senate. 

Some  time  ago  Admiral  Alden  invited  me  to  go  out  to 
the  Mediterranean  with  him  in  the  Wabash  Frigate,  to 
sail  in  November.  I  have  pretty  much  made  up  my 
mind  to  go,  and  President  and  Secretary  have  promptly 
consented.  .  .  . 

I  made  the  condition  myself,  that,  though  I  shall  ar 
range  to  be  gone  five  months,  I  would  hold  myself  pre 
pared  to  come  back  within  thirty  days  of  notice  by 
telegram.  .  .  . 

Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


334  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  Oct.  17,  1871. 

Dear  Brother :  Your  note  of  the  14th  is  received.  I  am 
glad  you  are  going  to  Europe,  and  under  such  favorable 
auspices. 

You  are  sure  of  a  hearty  reception  there,  and  you  will 
be  greatly  entertained  and  instructed  by  wonders  that 
must  be  seen  as  well  as  read  of.  ...  It  is  generally 
conceded  that  I  shall  be  elected,  though  it  is  not  sure. 
No  doubt  a  majority  of  Republicans  favor  me,  but  com 
binations  are  often  made,  and  may  be  in  this  election.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

U.  S.  FRIGATE  WABASII, 

CADIZ,  Dec.  21,  1871. 
Dear  Brother: 

I  have  had  a  good  chance  to  visit  Madeira,  Cadiz, 
Xeres,  and  Seville,  and  now  we  proceed  to  Gibraltar, 
where  I  shall  leave  the  ship  and  go  to  Malaga,  Granada, 
Cordova,  Toledo,  Madrid,  Saragossa,  and  Barcelona. 
Thence  we  shall  cross  the  Pyrenees  into  France  at  Pepi- 
gnan,  Marseilles,  and  Nice,  to  rejoin  the  ship.  I  can  then 
learn  if  Admiral  Alden  can  in  the  ordinary  course  of 
his  duty  go  to  Naples,  Syracuse,  Malta,  and  Alexandria, 
in  which  case  I  can  see  the  Valley  of  the  Po,  the  Mont 
Cenis  tunnel,  etc.,  to  Rome  and  Naples  in  time  to  join 
the  ship  at,  say,  Naples.  .  .  . 

Truly,  etc., 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

NICE,  Jan.  19,  1872. 

Dear  Brother :  The  telegraph  announces  your  re-elec 
tion,  and  as  quite  a  number  of  Americans  and  even 


SENATOR   SHERMAN'S  RE-ELECTION         335 

foreigners  have  congratulated  me  on  your  re-election 
I  can  but  join  in  the  general  acclaim.  This  carries  your 
political  career  two  years  after  Gen.  Grant's  second 
term. 

Yours  truly, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


COMMITTEE  OF  FINANCE, 
U.  S.  SENATE,  WASHINGTON,  Jan.  26,  1872. 

Dear  Brother:  .  .  .  Congress  is  going  on  with  its 
usual  round  of  debate  and  delay.  I  am  quite  busy  with 
taxes  and  tariff,  and  spend  most  of  the  time  in  com 
mittee.  My  re-election  has  got  to  be  an  old  story.  As 
the  session  approached,  the  opposition  to  me  in  my  own 
party  died  away,  and  I  received  the  unanimous  vote. 
Still  there  were  five  or  six  Kepublicans  who  were  disposed 
to  enter  into  the  new  party  movement,  among  them  How 
ard  and  certain  Cincinnati  members.  They  disavowed 
any  hostility  to  me,  but  were  inclined  to  support  Cox  as 
an  Anti-Grant  or  new  departure  candidate.  Perhaps  if 
the  whole  body  of  the  Democrats  had  gone  into  this  move 
ment  it  might  have  resulted  in  my  defeat ;  but  this  was 
found  impracticable,  and  so  I  was  elected  by  seven  major 
ity  over  all.  I  think  General  Grant  has  found  out  that 
my  strength  in  Ohio  was  equal  to  his  own.  I  was  in  Colum 
bus  for  one  week,  but  was  not  put  to  either  unusual 
trouble  or  expense,  and  now  hold  the  office  as. indepen 
dent  in  promise  as  any  member  of  the  Senate.  .  .  .  You 
are  to  have  a  grand  trip.  Your  movements  are  observed 
and  commented  upon  here  kindly.  By  all  means  take  it 
easy  and  don't  hurry.  .  .  . 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 


336  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

ROME,  Feb.  21,  1872. 

Dear  Brother:  I  received  yours  of  26th.  of  January 
here  at  Koine,  and  have  been  so  busy  that  really  I  have 
had  no  time  to  write  my  home  letters.  We  have  been 
here  ten  days,  and  now  start  for  Naples,  where  we  shall 
stay  a  week,  and  then  for  Malta,  Alexandria,  Constanti 
nople,  and  the  East.  We  are  everywhere  received  with 
every  honor  and  attention ;  indeed  too  much  for  our  own 
comfort  and  advantage.  No  nation  or  people  seem  to  be 
held  in  such  estimation  as  the  Americans.  .  .  . 

The  Italians  are  a  kind,  good  people,  and  are  winning 
their  place  among  the  scientific  men  of  the  world.  Some 
of  their  modern  railroads  evince  a  talent  in  that  branch, 
worthy  the  old  days  of  the  Coliseum. 

The  unification  of  Italy  seems  to  grow  in  strength,  and 
the  Pope,  though  obstinate,  is  in  no  manner  interfered 
with  in  his  office,  and  I  think  in  time  he  will  realize  that 
he  is  stronger  by  being  entirely  disconnected  with  the 
administration  of  a  petty  state  or  kingdom.  This  is  the 
opinion  also  of  many  Catholics.  It  is  possible  that  some 
want  the  Pope  to  be  considered  somewhat  of  a  martyr, 
but  those  who  control  the  government  here  understand 
well  enough  the  problem. 

The  King  is  at  Naples,  but  his  son  Prince  Humbert  has 
been  extremely  polite  to  us  and  has  tendered  all  proper 
attentions. 

I  do  not  see  but  the  people  are  as  free  here  as  in 
France  or  other  neighboring  countries,  there  being  sub 
stantially  a  free  press,  and  thus  far  we  have  not  even  been 
called  on  for  our.  passports,  a  perfect  contrast  to  the 
annoyances  of  former  times.  Italy  is  full  of  Ameri 
cans  and  we  meet  everywhere  our  country  people,  who 
seem  to  take  the  lead  as  sculptors,  painters,  travellers, 
etc.  ...  W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


BREAKFAST   WITH   THE  SULTAN  337 

CONSTANTINOPLE,  April  16, 1872. 

Dear  Brother :  I  have  been  here  eight  days,  and  have 
seen  everything  that  interests  travellers,  and  was  to  have 
started  to-day  for  Odessa  and  the  Crimea  by  the  regular 
Russian  steamer  Vladimir;  but  last  night  when  dining 
with  the  English  Charge  the  Sultan's  Grand  Master  of 
Ceremonies  called,  and  expressed  the  Sultan's  wish  that  I 
would  postpone  my  departure,  as  he  expressed  his  desire 
to  see  me,  and  was  so  situated  that  he  could  not  until 
to-morrow.  Of  course  I  was  compelled  to  defer  my 
departure  and  now  I  am  undecided.  .  .  .  Soon  after  our 
arrival  the  Sultan  received  us  with  marked  favor,  and 
afterwards  entertained  us  at  breakfast;  but  he  gave  to 
Fred  Grant,  as  Prince  Royal,  the  post  of  honor.  We 
infer  that  the  reason  he  has  asked  me  to  postpone  my 
departure  is  to  show  me  personally  that  he  meant  noth 
ing  wrong,  which  of  course  I  knew  he  did  not,  for  it  was 
a  subject  of  joke.  The  Russian  Ambassador  and  English 
have  entertained  us,  and  they  knew  perfectly  our  rela 
tive  ranks.  .  .  . 

Yours  truly, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

PARIS,  FRANCE,  July  16,  1872. 

Dear  Brother:  ...  Of  course  I  have  watched  the 
progress  of  political  events  as  they  appear  from  this 
standpoint,  and  feel  amazed  to  see  the  turn  things  have 
taken.  Grant,  who  never  was  a  Republican,  is  your  can 
didate  ;  and  Greeley,  who  never  was  a  Democrat  but  quite 
the  reverse,  is  the  Democratic  candidate.  I  infer  that 
Grant  will  be  re-elected,  though  several  shrewd  judges 
insist  that  Greeley  will  be  our  next  President.  .  .  . 
There  are  a  great  many  Americans  located  here  in 
business  or  prolonged  stay,  that  constitute  a  society  in 


338  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

themselves.  They  try  to  monopolize  my  spare  time,  yet  I 
have  managed  to  see  M.  Thiers,  and  the  officers  of  Ver 
sailles,  —  having  dined  with  the  President,  —  and  I  am 
this  moment  back  from  a  tour  of  the  southern  line  of 
forts,  Vale'rien,  D'Issy,  Vanves,  and  Montrouge,  guided  by 
a  staff-officer  especially  appointed ;  and  I  have  appointed 
another  day  of  next  week  to  complete  the  circuit.  En 
route  to  Paris  I  saw  Strasbourg,  Wissembourg,  Saarbruck, 
Metz,  and  Sedan,  so  that  I  shall  be  able  to  understand  the 
angry  controversies  that  are  sure  to  arise  in  the  progress 
of  the  trials  that  I  see  it  is  resolved  to  put  Bazaine  and 
others  through.  .  .  .  Choosing  between  the  two  candi 
dates  on  national  grounds,  I  surely  prefer  Grant ;  as  to 
platforms  and  parties,  of  course  I  regard  these  as  mere 
traps  to  catch  flies,  but  with  General  Grant  as  President, 
there  will  likely  be  more  stability  and  quietude,  which 
the  country  needs.  .  .  . 

Truly  yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  Aug.  4,  1872. 

Dear  Brother:  .  .  .  Just  now  all  interest  is  centred 
upon  the  Presidential  election.  As  you  say,  the  Repub 
licans  are  running  a  Democrat,  and  the  Democrats  a 
Republican.  And  there  is  not  an  essential  difference 
in  the  platform  of  principle.  The  chief  interest  I  feel  in 
the  canvass  is  the  preservation  of  the  Republican  party, 
which  I  think  essential  to  secure  the  fair  enforcement 
of  the  results  of  the  war.  General  Grant  has  so  managed 
matters  as  to  gain  the  very  bitter  and  active  hostility  of 
many  of  the  leading  Republicans,  and  the  personal  indif 
ference  of  most  of  the  residue.  He  will,  however,  be 
fairly  supported  by  the  great  mass  of  the  Republicans, 
and  I  still  hope  and  believe  will  be  elected.  The  defec- 


DEFEAT  OF  GEEELEY  339 

tions  among  Republicans  will  be  made  up  by  Democrats, 
who  will  not  vote  for  Greeley. 

The  whole  canvass  is  so  extraordinary,  that  no  result 
can  be  anticipated.  You  will  notice  that  Sumner,  Thur- 
man,  Banks,  and  others  are  for  Greeley,  who  is  probably 
the  most  unfit  man  for  President,  except  Train,  that  has 
ever  been  mentioned.  I  intend  to  support  Grant  fairly 
and  fully,  as  best  for  the  country  and  Republican  party. 
Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHEKMAN. 


MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  Oct.  10,  1872. 

Dear  Brother :  Your  letter  came  in  my  absence.     The 

election  is  over,1  and  clearly  indicates  the  re-election  of 

Grant.     I  do  not  see  any  occasion  of  a  further  contest, 

but  I  presume  it  will  be  continued  until  November.  .  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 


From  1872  to  1874,  the  two  brothers  lived  near  each  other 
in  Washington.  In  the  fall  of  1874,  General  Sherman 
obtained  permission  to  transfer  his  headquarters  to  St. 
Louis,  and  removed  there  with  his  family.  He  did  this 
in  order  to  remove  himself  from  further  official  contact 
with  General  Belknap,  then  Secretary  of  War,  who  was 
issuing  many  military  orders  and  making  many  military 
appointments  without  General  Sherman's  knowledge  or 
approval.  Two  years  later,  after  General  Belknap's  res 
ignation  as  Secretary  of  War  had  been  accepted,  the  office 
of  General  of  the  Army  was  reinvested  with  the  powers 
which  had  formerly  belonged  to  it.  Thereafter  General 
Sherman  willingly  removed  back  to  Washington  and  re 
established  his  headquarters  there. 

1  Referring  to  the  October  State  elections,  which,  by  going  strongly 
Republican,  presaged  a  Republican  victory  in  November. 


340  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  or  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
WASHINGTON,  B.C.,  Aug.  28,  1874. 

Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  Don't  ever  give  any  person  the 
least  encouragement  to  think  I  can  be  used  for  political 
ends.  I  have  seen  it  poison  so  many  otherwise  good 
characters,  that  I  am  really  more  obstinate  than  ever.  I 
think  Grant  will  be  made  miserable  to  the  end  of  his  life 
by  his  eight  years'  experience.  Let  those  who  are  trained 
to  it  keep  the  office,  and  keep  the  Army  and  Navy  as  free 
from  politics  as  possible,  for  emergencies  that  may  arise 
at  any  time. 

Think  of  the  reputations  wrecked  in  politics  since  1865. 
Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

And  a  few  days  later  he  continued :  — 

No  matter  what  the  temptation,  I  will  never  allow  rny 
name  to  be  used  by  any  party ;  but  I  don't  think  it  would 
be  prudent  to  allow  the  old  Democrats  to  get  possession 
of  the  Government ;  and  hope  the  Eepublicans  will  choose 
some  new  man,  as  like  Mr.  Lincoln  as  you  can  find.  Or 
else  let  us  unite  on  Elaine,  or  even  Washburne.  .  .  . 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  or  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  Oct.  23,  1874. 
Dear  Brother : 

I  am  now  established  here  with  a  good  headquarters, 
corner  of  10th  and  Locust,  where  I  can  dispatch  promptly 
all  business  that  properly  devolves  on  me.  I  have,  as  I 
have  always  had,  the  smallest  possible  staff  and  a  most 
inexpensive  establishment,  and  therefore  am  not  regarded 
by  the  non-combatant  staff  who  flock  in  Washington,  as 
a  friend  of  that  ornamental  part  of  the  army.  But  here 


CARPING   CRITICISM  341 

I  am  in  easy  communication  with,  and  in  perfect  harmony 
with,  the  real  working  army.  .  .  . 

But  if  let  alone,  I  will  do  what  devolves  on  me  by  law 
and  custom,  and  endeavor  to  injure  no  one ;  but  of  those 
fellows  in  Washington  who  have  served  through  several 
great  wars,  and  boast  that  they  have  never  heard  a  shot, 
and  never  had  to  do  the  dirty  work  of  campaigning,  I 
will  speak  out  and  Congress  will  have  to  notice  it. 

The  Republican  newspaper  in  Washington,  their  organ, 
intimates  that  inasmuch  as  I  have  removed  from.  Wash 
ington,  I  am  not  in  harmony  with  the  Administration  and 
should  resign.  By  my  office  I  am  above  party,  and  am 
not  bound  in  honor  or  fact  to  toady  to  anybody.  There 
fore  I  shall  never  resign,  and  shall  never  court  any  other 
office,  so  they  may  reserve  their  advice  to  men  who  seek 
it.  ... 

I  have  always  expressed  a  desire  that  some  good  man, 
a  statesman  of  experience  if  he  can  be  found,  be  selected 
for  President.  General  Grant  has  had  enough  to  recog 
nize  the  obligation  of  the  country  to  the  army,  and  the 
time  has  come  to  return  to  the  civil  list.  In  no  event  and 
under  no  circumstances  will  I  yield  to  this,  my  final 
determination.  .  .  . 

Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  Dec.  10,  1874. 

Dear  Brother:  I  have  just  received  from  the  Presi 
dent's  secretary  a  note,  saying  he  may  want  me  to 
attend  a  dinner  and  reception  he  proposes  to  give  the 
King  of  the  Sandwich  Islands,  and  I  have  answered  that 
on  a  two  days'  notice  I  can  be  there.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


342  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

The  "  Louisiana  matters,"  referred  to  in  the  letters  of 
January  7  and  February  3,  were  the  reconstruction  diffi 
culties  which  so  many  of  the  Southern  States  were  expe 
riencing.  General  Sherman  objected  to  the  detailing  of 
army  officers  to  assist  the  State  authorities  in  keeping  the 
peace. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  Jan.  7,  1875. 

Dear  Brother :  I  see  my  name  was  used  in  the  debate 
yesterday  on  Louisiana  matters. 

Neither  the  President  or  Secretary  of  War  ever  con 
sulted  me  about  Louisiana  matters.  Sheridan  received 
his  orders  direct  from  the  Secretary  of  War  and  Adju 
tant-General  Townsend,  and  started  on  telegraphic  notice, 
writing  me  a  short  note  stating  the  fact,  and  that  the 
Secretary  of  War  would  explain  to  me. 

The  latter  sent  me  a  copy  of  .the  orders  and  instruc 
tions  by  mail,  which  I  received  after  General  Sheridan 
had  gone,  and  I  simply  acknowledged  their  receipt. 

I  have  all  along  tried  to  save  our  officers  and  soldiers 
from  the  dirty  work  imposed  on  them  by  the  city  authori 
ties  of  the  South ;  and  may,  thereby,  have  incurred  the 
suspicion  of  the  President  that  I  did  not  cordially  sustain 
his  force.  My  hands  and  conscience  are  free  of  any  of 
the  breaches  of  fundamental  principles  in  that  quarter. 
Arid  I  have  always  thought  it  wrong  to  bolster  up  weak 
State  governments  by  our  troops.  We  should  keep  the 
peace  always  ;  but  not  act  as  bailiff  constables  and  catch 
thieves.  That  should  be  beneath  a  soldier's  vocation!  If 
you  want  information  of  the  conditions  up  the  E.ed  River, 
call  for  a  report  recently  made  by  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Morrow,  personally  known  to  you.  .  .  . 

As  ever,  your  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


GENERAL   SHERMAN'S  MEMOIRS  343 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  Jan.  23,  1875. 
Dear  Brother : 

You  will  be  surprised  and  maybe  alarmed,  that  I  have 
at  last  agreed  to  publish  in  book  form  my  Memoirs  of  a 
period  from  1846-65,  in  two  volumes,  prepared  at  great 
cost  of  labor  and  care. 

I  have  carefully  eliminated  everything  calculated  to 
raise  controversy,  except  where  sustained  by  documents 
embraced  in  the  work  itself,  and  then  only  with  minor 
parties.  I  submitted  the  manuscript  to last  sum 
mer,  and  he  was  emphatic  that  it  ought  to  be  published 
in  the  interest  of  history.  Bancroft  did  the  same,  though 
he  never  saw  the  manuscript,  and  I  thought  I  had  best 
show  it  to  but  few,  as  after  all  the  responsibility  rests 
on  me.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  Feb.  3,  1875. 

Dear  Brother :  I  read  carefully  your  speech,1  and  your 
reasoning  is  very  close ;  much  more  so  than  Thurman's 
and  others,  and  I  was  glad  you  could  make  so  good  a 
defence.  I  know  that  our  soldiers  hate  that  kind  of  duty 
terribly,  and  not  one  of  those  officers  but  would  prefer  to 
go  to  the  plains  against  the  Indians,  rather  than  encoun 
ter  a  street  mob,  or  serve  a  civil  process. 

But  in  our  government  it  is  too  hard  for  our  troops  to 
stand  up  in  the  face  of  what  is  apparent :  that  the  present 
government  of  Louisiana  is  not  the  choice  of  the  people, 
though  in  strict  technical  law  it  is  the  State  government. 
I  recognize  the  great  necessity  of  standing  by  the  lawful 
1  On  the  Louisiana  matters. 


344  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

State  government,  but  the  soldiers  do  not.  The  quicker 
you  allow  the  people  to  select  their  own  governors  the 
better,  and  if  necessary  pile  on  the  effort  to  secure  a  fair 
election,  and  prevent  intimidation  of  voters. 

I  was  always  embarrassed  by  the  plain,  palpable  fact, 
that  the  Union  whites  are  cowardly,  and  allow  the  rebel 
element  that  loves  to  fight,  to  cow  them.  Until  the 
Union  whites,  and  negroes  too,  Jlght  for  their  own  rights 
they  will  be  trodden  down.  Outside  help  sooner  or  later 
must  cease,  for  our  army  is  ridiculously  small,  in  case  of 
actual  collision.  It  is  only  the  memory  of  our  war  power, 
that  operates  on  the  rebel  element  now.  They  have  the 
votes,  the  will,  and  will  in  the  end  prevail.  Delay  only 
gives  them  sympathy  elsewhere.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 

ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  March  18,  1875. 
Dear  Brother  : 

To-morrow  Generals  Sheridan  and  Pope  will  meet  here 
to  discuss  the  Indian  troubles.  We  could  settle  them 
in  an  hour,  but  Congress  wants  the  patronage  of  the 
Indian  bureau,  and  the  bureau  wants  the  appropriations 
without  any  of  the  trouble  of  the  Indians  themselves. 
I  don't  suppose  in  the  history  of  the  world  there  is 
such  a  palpable  waste  of  money  as  that  bestowed  on  the 
Kioways,  and  no  wonder  our  government  is  sinking 
deeper  and  deeper  into  debt.  We  have  spent  in  the  past 
seven  months,  at  least  half  a  million  dollars  in  bringing 
down  these  Indians,  and  this  is  the  fourth  time  since  I 
have  personal  knowledge  of  the  fact.  .  .  . 

Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAX. 


X 

Criticism  of  the  Memoirs  —  Differences  with  Belknap  —  Senator  Sher 
man  endorses  Hayes  —  Belknap's  downfall — President  Garfield's 
assassination  —  Telegram  from  General  Sherman  announcing  the 
fact  and  relating  subsequent  news — Reply  to  charges  by  Senator 
Beck  —  The  Act  of  Compulsory  Retirement  of  Army  Officers  —  Presi 
dential  candidates  in  1884  —  Invincible  repugnance  of  General  Sher 
man  to  accept  a  nomination  —  General  Sherman  on  Jefferson  Davis 

—  John  Sherman  elected  Senator  for  the  fourth  time  —  General  Han 
cock's  death  and  funeral  —  Removal  of  General  Sherman  to  New 
York  —  Estimate  of   Burnside  —  The  return  of  captured  rebel  flags 

—  Western  trip  of  John  Sherman  —  Views  as  to  annexation  of  Can 
ada  and  Mexico  —  The  Civil   Service  —  Closing  years  of   General 
Sherman's  life 

GENERAL  SHERMAN'S  Memoirs  were  first  published 
in  1875,  and  called  forth  a  storm  of  criticism,  to  which 
the  following  letter  refers. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  May  25,  1875. 

Dear  Brother :  ...  No  matter  how  unwise  were  my 
conditions  with  Johnston  they  were  secret,  and  his  [Stan- 
ton's]  divulgence  was  a  betrayal  of  me;  and  Stanton 
knew  it.  At  all  events,  he  himself  made  so  much 
clamor  that  history  is  not  perfect  unless  the  matter  be 
wholly  explained,  and  I  think  I  have  done  it  fairly.1 

...  I  believe,  had  I  submitted  to  Stanton' s  and 
Halleck's  insults  of  1865,  I  should  have  been  swept  aside 
like  any  other  piece  of  war  rubbish  at  the  reorganization 
of  the  army.  .  .  . 

Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 
1  See  Memoirs. 
345 


346  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  or  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  Nov.  17,  1875. 

Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  Belknap  has  acted  badly  by  me 
ever  since  he  reached  Washington.  .  .  . 

General  Grant  promised  me  often  to  arrange  and 
divide  our  functions,  but  he  never  did,  but  left  the 
Secretary  to  do  all  those  things  of  which  he  himself,  as 
General,  had  complained  to  Stanton.  I  don't  think  I 
ever  used  the  expression  often  imputed  to  me  of  saying 
that  the  Secretary  of  War  is  only  a  clerk  to  the  Presi 
dent.  It  is  the  opinion  of  many  lawyers  that  the  Secre 
tary  of  War  himself  has  no  right  to  issue  a  military 
order  to  officers  and  soldiers  —  that  his  office  is  civil 
etc.,  etc.  The  President  is  constitutional  commander- 
in-chief,  and  when  the  Secretary  issues  his  order  he 
ought  to  recite  the  fact;  whereas  orders  are  issued  by 
the  Adjutant-General  by  order  of  the  Secretary  of  War. 
This  is  done  daily,  and  I  cannot  command  unless  orders 
come  through  me,  which  they  do  not,  but  go  straight  to 
the  party  concerned.  This  is  the  real  question  at  issue 
between  us.  Congress  ought  to  clearly  define  the  rela 
tion  between  the  Secretary  of  War  and  a  General  of  the 
army.  It  is  not  the  case  now,  but  the  Secretary  of 
War  exercises  all  the  functions  of  the  Commander- 
General  under  a  decision  of  the  Attorney-General.  .  .  . 

Yours,  etc., 

W.  T.  SHEKMAX. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  or  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  Dec.  29,  1875. 

Dear  Brother :  ...  As  to  the  army,  I  agree  that  it  is 
entirely  too  costly.  Twenty -five  thousand  soldiers  with 
a  due  proportion  of  officers  ought  to  be  maintained  at 
less  than  present  estimates,  which  I  see  are  stated  at 


NOMINATION   OF  HAYES  347 

forty  and  also  at  fifty-five  millions.  This  must  embrace 
appropriations  for  forts,  harbors,  etc.,  whose  disburse 
ments  fall  under  the  engineer  and  other  bureaus  of  the 
War  Department.  The  heaviest  cost  to  the  army  is  in 
these  expensive  bureaus  of  which  we  have  ten,  all  of 
which  have  a  head  in  Washington  and  run,  as  it  were, 
a  separate  machine.  I  have  no  hesitation  in  saying  that 
if  the  Secretary  of  War  has  the  lawful  power  to  com 
mand  the  army  through  the  Adjutant-General,  then  my 
office  is  a  sinecure  and  should  be  abolished.  Instead  of 
being  useful,  it  is  simply  ornamental  and  an  obstacle  to 
unity  of  command  and  harmony  of  action.  No  two  men 
can  fulfil  the  same  office;  and  the  law  should  clearly 
define  the  functions  of  each,  or  mine  should  be  abol 
ished.  .  .  . 

Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  Feb.  1,  1876. 

Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  Your  letter  endorsing  Hayes  is 
first-rate,  and  meets  general  approval.  I  agree  with  you 
that  no  one  should  be  the  President  unless  he  was  with 
us  heart  and  soul  in  the  Civil  War;  and  Hayes  fills  the 
bill  perfectly. 

I  should  be  delighted  to  have  him  nominated  and 
elected. 

The  Democrats,  in  turning  between  the  Democrats 
of  the  North  and  South,  will  probably  commit  a  mistake 
that  will  reunite  the  Republicans. 

I  see  the  "  Herald,"  in  an  elaborate  and  good  article  on 
saving  money  in  the  War  Department  estimates,  criti 
cizes  the  sending  of  officers  abroad  at  public  expense, 
instancing  my  case.  Not  one  cent  of  my  expenses  was 


348  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

paid  by  the  Government.  I  availed  myself  of  the  frig 
ate  Wabash  to  reach  Gibraltar,  whither  she  was  bound  in 
her  course  to  the  Mediterranean.  I  paid  my  mess-bill, 
which  amounted  to  $130  (more  than  the  price  of  pas 
sage  over  in  a  Cunarder). 

If  you  happen  to  see  one  of  those reporters,  you 

could  say  as  much.  I  will  not,  because  on  searching 
they  will  find  that  not  a  cent  was  paid  for  my  expenses 
abroad.  .  .  . 

Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHEBMAX. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
ST.  Louis,  Mo. ,  March  10,  1876. 

Dear  Brother :  I  have  purposely  refrained  from  writ 
ing  to  you  my  opinions  and  feelings  on  the  terrible  fate 
that  so  suddenly  has  befallen  General  Belknap,  because 
I  want  to  say  truthfully  that  I  have  never  asked  you  to 
advocate  my  cause  or  to  be  compromised  by  my  mis 
takes.  I  am  proud  of  your  position  in  the  Senate,  and 
would  not  have  you  to  risk  it  by  even  the  faintest  par 
tiality  to  your  brother.  But  people  will  ask  you  what 
was  the  real  reason  why  I  left  Washington ;  did  I  have 
knowledge  of  frauds  and  peculations?  and  was  I  not 
bound  to  reveal  them?  You  may  answer  positively  that 
I  had  no  knowledge  except  what  Congress  and  the  Presi 
dent  had.  It  was  not  my  office  to  probe  after  vague 
rumors  and  whispers  that  had  no  official  basis.  The 
President  and  Belknap  both  gradually  withdrew  from 
me  all  the  powers  which  Grant  had  exercised  in  the 
same  office,  and  Congress  capped  the  climax  by  repeal 
ing  that  law  which  required  all  orders  to  the  army  to  go 
through  the  General,  and  the  only  other  one,  a  joint  reso 
lution  that  empowered  the  General  to  appoint  "traders." 


GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  ARMY  349 

The  consequence  was  that  orders  to  individuals  of  the 
army  went  over  my  head  to  them,  and  reports  went  back 
without  coming  through  me,  as  required  in  every  mili 
tary  service  on  earth.  .  .  . 

I  have  now  from  Moulton  two  letters,  and  from  Day 
ton  one.  In  all  which  is  stated  that  the  new  Secretary, 
Judge  Taft,  has  spoken  kindly  of  me,  and  expressed  a 
desire  to  meet  me  in  Washington.  I  will  not  go  to 
Washington  unless  ordered,  and  it  would  be  an  outrage 
if  Congress,  under  a  temporary  excitement,  should  com 
pel  my  removal  back.  I  came  out  at  my  own  expense, 
and  never  charged  a  cent  for  transportation,  which  I 
could  have  done.  I  can  better  command  the  army  from 
here  than  from  there.  The  causes  that  made  a  Belknap 
remain  and  will  remain.  .  .  . 

If  you  see  Judge  Taft,  say  to  him  that  my  opinion  is 
that  I  can  fulfil  any  general  policy  he  may  prescribe,  and 
enforce  any  orders  he  may  give  better  from  St.  Louis 
than  Washington. 

Affectionately,  etc., 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


There  are  two  ways  to  govern  the  army,  —  one  through 
its  generals,  and  the  other  through  the  staff.  If  orders 
and  instructions  are  made  to  individuals  composing  the 
army  direct  by  the  Adjutant-General,  and  not  through 
the  commanding  General,  the  latter  is  not  only  useless 
but  an  incumbrance,  and  had  better  be  away.  But  if 
Secretary  Taft  is  willing  to  trust  me  to  execute  and 
carry  into  effect  his  orders  and  instructions,  all  he  has 
to  do  is  to  order,  and  he  will  find  me  ready. 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


350  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

During  the  next  three  years  (end  of  1877  to  1881)  the 
brothers  were  so  much  together  that  their  correspondence 
contains  nothing  of  continuous  interest.  General  Sher 
man  removed  to  Washington,  and  John  Sherman  lived 
there  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  In  the  summer 
of  1881,  John  Sherman  was  in  Mansfield,  and  the  Gen 
eral  sent  him  frequent  bulletins  from  Washington  as  to 
President  Garfield's  condition  after  he  was  shot.  John 
Sherman  returned  to  Washington  before  the  President's 
death. 

TELEGRAMS. 

THE  WESTERN  UNION  TELEGRAPH  Co., 
Dated,  WASHINGTON,  B.C.,  July  2,  1881. 
Received  at  MANSFIELD,  OHIO, 

3  P.M. 
To  Honorable  John  Sherman  : 

President  Gartield  was  shot  in  the  back  toward  the 
right  side,  the  ball  ranging  downwards  —  not  yet  found. 
Pulse  good  and  appearances  favorable. 

Has  been  brought  to  the  White  House.  The  assassin 
is  from  Chicago,  an  ex-consul  at  Marseilles,  described 
as  a  lawyer,  politician,  and  theologian.  He  is  in  cus 
tody.  All  sorts  of  rumors  afloat,  but  the  above  is  all 
that  is  known  to  me.  I  went  in  person  to  the  depot 
immediately,  and  found  all  his  Cabinet  present. 

W.  T.  SHERMAN, 

General. 

WESTERN  UNION  TELEGRAPH  Co., 
Dated,  WASHINGTON,  D.C.,  July  2,  1881. 
Received  at  MANSFIELD,  OHIO, 

8.45  A.M. 
To  Honorable  John  Sherman  : 

Dispatch  received.  Just  come  from  White  House. 
Saw  and  talked  with  General  Garfield.  Mind  and  mem 
ory  clear,  and  he  is  personally  hopeful.  The  doctors 


THE  SHOOTING   OF  GARFIELD  351 

shake  their  heads.  Situation  most  serious,  but  I  cannot 
help  hoping  that  the  ball  has  not  traversed  the  cavity 
of  the  stomach,  as  the  wound  indicates.  Mrs.  Garfield 
and  all  the  family  are  with  him. 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

WESTERN  UNION  TELEGRAPH  Co., 
WASHINGTON,  D.C.,  July  3,  1881. 
Received  at  MANSFIELD,  OHIO, 

4.15  P.M. 
To  Honorable  John  Sherman: 

Dispatch  received,  I  am  this  minute  back  from  the 
White  House.  Doctor  Bliss  surgeon,  in  attendance  on 
President  Garfield,  authorized  me  to  report  that  all  the 
symptoms  continued  most  favorable,  and  that  he  believed 
in  ultimate  recovery. 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

WESTERN  UNION  TELEGRAPH  Co., 

Dated,  WASHINGTON,  D.C.,  July  4,  1881. 
Received  at  MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  1.40. 

To  Honorable  John  Sherman : 

I  am  just  back  from  the  White  House.  The  Presi 
dent  is  reported  to  have  passed  a  night  of  pain,  which 
gave  rise  to  unfavorable  reports;  but  the  attending 
physicians,  Bliss,  Barnes,  Woodward,  and  Reyburn,  have 
made  public  the  bulletins.  Each  warrants  us  to  hope 
for  recovery.  Everything  here  is  as  quiet  as  the  Sab 
bath. 

W.  T.  SHERMAN, 

General. 

Here  the  letters  begin  again. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
WASHINGTON,  B.C.,  July  13,  1881. 

Dear  Brother :  Nobody  now  sees  the  President  except 


352  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

the  doctors,  and  we  are  compelled  to  base  our  opinions 
on  the  bulletins  which  are  sent  by  telegraph  all  around 
the  country. 

These  warrant  us  to  believe  that  Garfield  will  recover, 
but  after  a  long,  painful  process,  leaving  him  crippled 
or  emaciated.  It  is  too  bad  that  the  law  is  so  unequal 
to  the  punishment  of  the  man  who  intended  to  murder 
him.  .  .  . 

Yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
Aug.  25,  1881. 

Dear  Brother:  The  President's  condition  is  now  abso 
lutely  critical,  and  surely  many  days  cannot  now  pass 
without  some  turn.  He  is  so  weak  now  that  he  cannot 
endure  a  relapse.  .  .  . 

Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

k 

HEADQUARTERS  ARMY  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
WASHINGTON,  Aug.  29,  1881. 

Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  The  President  is  sensibly  better 
to-day,  and  all  the  friends  and  family  feel  encouraged. 
If  to-morrow  he  be  on  the  upward  mend  I  shall  go  to  New 
York,  New  London,  Worcester,  and  Boston,  to  be  gone 
ten  days,  but  if  you  have  occasion  to  write,  the  letter 
will  be  forwarded.  But  you  may  be  sure  that  I  shall  be 
here  in  case  of  necessity.  The  Cabinet  desire  that  the 
prisoner,  Guiteau,  be  regularly  tried  by  the  courts.  We 
can  defend  the  jail  against  the  world,  unless  there  be 
treachery.  But  when  the  time  comes  to  take  him  from 
the  jail  to  the  court-house  we  cannot  use  soldiers,  for 
the  law  prohibits  their  use  as  a  posse  comitatus.  I  appre- 


MISREPRESENTED  IN  CONGRESS  353 

hend  no  violence  here  even  if  the  President  dies,  but 
sooner  or  later  Guiteau  will  die.  The  feeling  is  too 
universal  for  him  ever  to  escape. 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

The  following  letter  is  published,  not  for  the  purpose 
of  calling  attention  to  the  incident  of  which  it  speaks, 
but  because  of  the  interesting  facts  regarding  the  allow 
ances,  etc.,  to  army  officers. 

WASHINGTON,  D.C.,  Feb.  28,  1882. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN, 

United  /States  Senate. 

When  a  senator  or  member  of  Congress  discovers  in 
some  newspaper  a  statement  which  he  considers  offen 
sive  to  himself,  he  rises  to  a  question  of  privilege, 
and  makes  his  statement  of  facts.  Now  when  an  out 
sider  finds  himself  misrepresented  in  the  Congressional 
Kecord,  I  suppose  he  may  rise  and  make  his  statement 
of  facts. 

In  the  Congressional  Kecord,  Saturday,  February  25th, 
the  Hon.  James  B.  Beck  is  reported  as  having  said  that 
General  Sheridan  had  come  to  Washington  at  an  expense 
to  the  United  States  of  a  thousand  dollars,  to  assist  in 
having  his  father-in-law,  General  Eucker,  made  a  briga 
dier-general  and  quartermaster-general  for  the  purpose 
of  being  retired  with  increased  pay.  I  know  that  Gen 
eral  Sheridan  was  ordered  to  come  to  Washington  by 
Secretary  of  War  Lincoln,  for  an  entirely  different  mat 
ter,  at  an  expense  of  not  to  exceed  $200,  viz.  eight  cents 
a  mile,  coming  and  going  by  the  shortest  possible  mail 
route,  according  to  a  law  made  by  the  Congress  of  which 
Mr.  Beck  was  a  member. 

Mr.  Beck  is  further  reported  to  have  said  that  General 


354  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

Sherman  was  in  the  habit  of  travelling,  with  his  large 
staff,  in  palace  cars  at  the  expense  of  the  United  States, 
nominally  to  inspect  posts,  but  really  for  pleasure.  Now 
this  is  so  totally  untrue,  and  so  diametrically  opposed 
to  my  usage,  that  I  am  simply  amazed.  Not  a  cent  can 
be  drawn  from  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States  with 
out  the  warrant  of  law.  I  never  hired  a  palace  car  in 
my  life,  surely  not  at  the  expense  of  the  United  States, 
for  no  quarter-master  would  pay  the  voucher,  and  if  such 
voucher  exist,  it  can  be  had  on  demand  of  any  senator. 

General  Sherman,  like  every  army  officer,  is  entitled 
by  law,  and  receives  eight  cents  a  mile  when  travelling 
on  duty.  My  duty  and  inclination  carry  me  to  the 
remotest  parts  of  our  country,  where  travel  usually  costs 
from  ten  to  twenty-five  cents  a  mile. 

I  think  the  law  ought  to  provide  me  a  palace  car, 
and  I  think  Mr.  Beck  agrees  with  me,  and  supposes  such 
to  be  the  fact.  I  have  not  a  particle  of  doubt  he  sup 
posed  such  to  be  the  fact,  else  he  would  not  have  asserted 
it  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate ;  but  I  beg  you  will  on  some 
opportune  occasion  tell  him  it  is  not  true,  but  on  the 
contrary,  that  the  Government  expects  me  to  make  tours 
of  the  Indian  frontier  chiefly  at  my  own  cost.  The 
general  or  lieutenant-general  draws  the  same  travelling 
allowance  as  a  second  lieutenant.  No  more  and  no 
less. 

The  general  of  a  department  has  the  right  to  inspect 
every  post  of  his  command,  so  the  General  of  a  division 
is  expected  to  be  familiar  with  the  condition  of  every 
post  within  his  sphere  of  command ;  and,  of  course,  the 
commanding  general  has  a  similar  right.  Without  this 
right  an  intelligent  commander  would  be  impossible. 
By  this  system  I  am  kept  informed  of  everything  per- 


GENERAL   SH ER M AN' S  RETIREMENT         355 

taining  to  the  military  establishment  in  peace  as  well  as 
war,  and  the  constant  inquiries  by  Committees  of  Con 
gress  can  thus  alone  be  answered,  and  I  will  not  alter 
or  change  my  plans  to  suit  Senator  Beck. 

I  believe  it  is  construed  as  discourteous  to  refer  to 
a  senator  in  debate  by  name, —  thus  you  are  addressed 
as  the  Honorable  Senator  from  Ohio, —  but  I  infer  the 
rules  of  the  Senate  are  not  so  punctilious  about  the  names 
of  outsiders.  Thus  Senator  Beck  spoke  of  Generals 
Sheridan  and  Sherman  by  name,  and  not  by  office. 

We  are  not  ashamed  of  our  names,  and  have  no  objec 
tion  to  their  free  use  on  the  floor  of  the  Senate.  We 
fear  nothing,  not  even  a  positive  misstatement,  but  it 
surely  adds  nothing  to  the  dignity  or  manliness  of  a 
senator  to  attempt  to  misrepresent  an  absent  officer  of 
the  common  Government,  sworn  to  obey  its  laws,  and  to 
submit  to  such  measures  as  it,  in  its  wisdom,  may  pre 
scribe.  .  .  . 

W.  T.  SHERMAN, 

General. 

Before  the  Act  of  Compulsory  Ketirement  of  Army 
Officers  at  the  age  of  sixty-four  years  (passed  1882,)  all 
retirements  were  made  at  the  will  of  the  President. 
General  Ord's  retirement  by  President  Hayes  greatly 
distressed  General  Sherman,  as  it  came  at  a  time  when 
General  Ord  could  ill  afford  to  be  retired,  and  when  he 
had  every  right  to  expect  that  General  McDowell,  his 
senior  in  age  as  well  as  rank,  would  be  retired  first. 
This  case  was  the  immediate  cause  of  the  staunch  sup 
port  which  General  Sherman  gave  to  this  bill ;  so  after 
its  passage,  when  it  was  suggested  that  an  exception  be 
made  in  his  own  case,  he  refused  to  allow  it.  He  was 
retired  February  8,  1884,  but  had  already  removed  to 
St.  Louis  with  his  family  several  months  previous  to 
this  date  in  order  to  allow  General  Sheridan  to  take 
command  of  the  army  at  the  opening  of  Congress. 


356  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

WESTERN  UNION  TELEGRAPH  Co., 
Dated,  Los  ANGELES,  CAL.,  April  15,  1882. 

To  HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN, 

United  States  Senate,  Washington,  D.C. 
Letter  of  eighth  received.  I  do  not  expect  to  reach 
Washington,  D.C.,  till  about  May  12th,  and  do  not  ask 
Congress  to  make  any  exception  in  my  case.  If  officers 
generally  are  disqualified  for  efficient  service  at  sixty- 
two  years,  the  law  should  so  declare  it  and  no  chance  be 
allowed  for  a  repetition  of  the  terrible  discrimination 
made  in  General  Ord's  case.  Compensation  to  retired 
officers  should  vary  according  to  length  and  quality  of 
service,  and  a  vote  of  thanks  by  Congress  to  general 
officers  should  have  some  value.  There  are  only  five 
such  now  surviving,  and,  like  the  Supreme  Court,  they 
should  retain  their  salaries  without  other  allowances. 
You  may  announce  these  as  my  opinions. 

W.  T.  SHERMAN, 

General. 

HEADQUARTERS  ARM*  OP  THE  UNITED  STATES, 
WASHINGTON,  B.C.,  June  7,  1883. 

Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  I  expect  all  alteration  to  be  com 
plete  by  the  time  we  reach  there,  early  in  October,  and 
after  a  short  pause  I  will  come  on  to  Washington,  write 
up  all  by  reports,  and  then  ask  the  President  to  order  me 
to  St.  Louis  to  await  my  retirement  February  8,  1884,  and 
by  or  before  December  1st  of  this  year  to  install  General 
Sheridan  in  command  of  the  army,  vice  Sherman  retired. 

It  is  better  that  the  change  should  occur  with  the  new 
Congress.  The  country  is  now  generally  prosperous, 
and  the  army  is  in  reasonably  good  condition,  considering 
the  fact  that  peace  and  politics  are  always  more  damag 
ing  than  war.  .  .  . 


THE  PRESIDENTIAL  NOMINATION  357 

Later  he  writes  from  St.  Louis :  — 

I  have  fixed  November  1st  as  the  day  for  transferring 
the  command  of  the  army  to  Sheridan.  This  will  enable 
me  to  conclude  my  report,  and  in  like  manner  enable 
Sheridan  to  submit  to  Congress  any  special  matters  he 
may  deem  proper. 

On  the  whole,  the  time  is  most  opportune,  and  I  think 
I  can  leave  my  post  with  the  general  respect  of  my 
fellows.  .  .  .  Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

In  the  spring  of  1884,  after  General  Sherman's  retire 
ment,  his  name  was  prominently  mentioned  as  a  possible 
candidate  for  the  Presidency  in  the  coming  campaign. 
As  he  had  done  on  several  previous  occasions,  he  refused 
to  allow  his  name  to  be  used. 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE, 
WASHINGTON,  B.C.,  Jan.  29,  1884. 

Dear  Brother:  .  .  .  You  are  probably  right  in  your 
treatment  of  the  Presidential  nomination.  Most  of  the 
talk  in  your  favor  is  no  doubt  honest  and  sincere,  but 
some  of  it,  I  am  sure,  is  to  crowd  off  other  candidates, 
or  for  selfish  motives.  A  nomination  is  far  from  being 
equivalent  to  an  election.  The  chances  are  for  the 
Democrats,  but  for  their  proverbial  blundering.  An 
election  would  be  a  misfortune  to  you,  while  the  canvass 
would  be  painful  to  all  the  family.  Still,  having  fairly 
and  fully  stated  your  opposition  to  being  a  candidate, 
and  having  given  fair  notice  of  your  purpose  to  decline, 
it  is  better  not  to  say  anything  more  about  it.  The 
papers  will  think  you  protest  too  much. 

It  now  looks  as  if  Logan  may  get  the  nomination. 
Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 


358  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

ST.  Louis,  Feb.  24,  1884. 

Dear  Brother :  I  think  I  have  owed  you  a  letter  some 
time.  I  have  nothing  new.  Days,  weeks,  and  months 
glide  by,  and  my  mail  brings  the  most  conglomerate  stuff 
possible,  —  letters  asking  for  autographs,  photographs, 
donations,  tokens,  such  as  saddles,  swords,  muskets, 
buttons,  etc.,  etc.,  which  I  used  in  the  war,  —  many  let 
ters  predicting  that  I  will  be  the  next  President,  and 
that  the  writer  foresaw  it  and  was  the  first  to  conceive 
the  thought.  ...  I  notice  with  satisfaction  that  my 
name  is  being  gradually  dropped,  and  that  my  sincerity 
is  recognized.  What  your  party  wants  is  a  good,  fair 
executive,  and  of  these  you  have  plenty,  —  Edmunds, 
Harrison,  Gresham,  Logan,  etc.,  etc.  ...  I  wish  to 
remain  absolutely  neutral.  Gresham  has  a  fine  war 
record,  and  is  as  honest,  outspoken,  judicious  a  man  as 
I  know  among  my  old  soldiers.  I  also  think  highly  of 
Calkins  of  Indiana  and  Ballantine  of  Nebraska. 
Affectionately  yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE, 
WASHINGTON,  D.C.,  March  7,  1884. 

Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  I  have  made  up  my  mind  to  be 
silent  and  neutral,  and  I  think  that  it  is  your  best 
course.  You  did  not  want  the  nomination.  I  would 
gladly  take  it  as  an  honorable  closing  of  thirty  years  of 
political  life,  but  I  will  neither  ask  for  it,  scheme  for 
it,  nor  have  I  the  faintest  hope  of  getting  it,  and  at  the 
end  of  my  present  term  I  intend  to  retire  from  my  politi 
cal  life  and  take  it  easy. 

One  thing  you  ought  to  have,  and  I  think  Congress 
would  readily  grant  it  if  acceptable  to  you,  and  that  is 
the  detail  of  a  staff-officer  to  help  you  with  your  military 


THE  REPUBLICAN   CONVENTION  1884        359 

correspondence,  to  travel  with  you,  and  aid  you  in  the 
social  duties  that  will  always  cling  to  you  while  you 

live.  .  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE, 
WASHINGTON,  D.C.,  May  4, 1884. 

Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  While  in  Ohio  I  heard  a  great 
deal  of  politics,  and  chiefly  about  the  nomination  for  the 
Presidency.  It  is  certain  that  if  Elaine  is  not  nominated 
in  the  early  ballots  a  movement  will  be  made  for  your 
nomination,  and  if  entered  upon  will  go  like  wild  fire. 
Some  one  should  be  authorized  to  make  a  definite  and 
positive  refusal  if  you  have  concluded  to  decline  the 
nomination  if  tendered.  My  own  opinion  is  still  that 
while  you  ought  not  to  seek,  or  even  beforehand  consent, 
to  accept  a  nomination,  yet  if  it  comes  unsought  and 
with  cordial  unanimity  you  ought  to  acquiesce.  I  be 
lieve  it  would  be  best  for  the  country,  honorable  to  you 
and  your  children,  and  far  less  irksome  than  you  have 
thought.  It  would  be  the  safe  result  of  what  is  like  to 
be  a  severe  contest.  ...  If  desired  by  me  I  could  have 
the  solid  vote  of  Ohio,  but  I  see  no  prospect  or  possi 
bility  of  my  nomination,  and  not  much  of  my  election  if 
nominated,  but  yours  is  easy.  Elaine  could  readily 
turn  his  strength  to  you  if  he  cannot  get  a  majority,  and 
I  think  means  to  do  so.  All  well  here. 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

ST.  Louis,  May  7,  1884. 

Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  The  more  I  reflect,  the  more  con 
vinced  I  am  that  I  was  wise  and  prudent  in  taking  the 


360  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

exact  course  I  have,  and  that  it  would  be  the  height  of 
folly  to  allow  any  false  ambition  to  allow  the  use  of  my 
name  for  any  political  office. 

John  B.  Henderson  is  my  neighbor  here,  is  a  delegate 
at  large  to  the  Chicago  Convention,  and  will,  if  need  be, 
announce  my  unalterable  purpose.  .  .  .  Why  should  I, 
at  sixty-five  years  of  age,  with  a  reasonable  provision 
for  life,  not  a  dollar  of  debt,  and  with  the  universal 
respect  of  my  neighbors  and  countrymen,  embark  in  the 
questionable  game  of  politics?  The  country  is  in  a  state 
of  absolute  peace,  and  it  would  be  a  farce  to  declare  that 
any  man  should  sacrifice  himself  to  a  mere  party  neces 
sity.  Surely  you  do  not  rate  Hayes  or  Arthur  as  great 
men,  yet  each  gave  the  country  a  good  administra 
tion.  .  .  . 

If  you  count  yourself  out,  I  will  be  absolutely  neutral, 
and  honestly  believe  we  are  approaching  that  epoch  in 
our  history  when  King  Log  is  about  as  good  as  King 
Stork.  Queen  Victoria  has  proven  about  the  best  exec 
utive  a  nation  has  ever  had,  and  we  shall  be  lucky  in 
securing  a  man  of  moderate  ability  and  reasonable 
presence. 

Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

ST.  Louis,  June  7,  1884. 

Dear  Brother :  Now  that  the  Convention  at  Chicago 
has  nominated  Blaine  and  Logan,  I  feel  such  a  sense  of 
relief  that  I  would  approve  of  anything.  My  instruc 
tions  to  Henderson,  verbal,  telegraphic,  and  written, 
were  all  short,  emphatic,  and  clear,  and,  so  far  as  I  am 
concerned,  all  may  be  published;  viz.  first,  to  do  what 
was  possible  to  prevent  even  the  mention  of  my  name ; 
and,  second,  that  though  there  should  occur  a  break  after 


GENERAL   SHERMAN'S  POSITION  361 

the  first  ballots,  and  my  name  should  be  presented  as  a 
compromise,  to  decline  ;  and,  lastly,  if  in  spite  of  such 
decimation  I  should  be  nominated,  I  would  decline  with 
an  emphasis  which  might  be  construed  as  disrespectful 
to  the  Convention  itself,  which,  of  course,  I  do  not  want 
to  do. 

I  would  not  for  a  million  of  dollars  subject  myself 
and  family  to  the  ordeal  of  a  political  canvass  and  after 
wards  to  a  four  years'  service  in  the  White  House.  You 
and  Blaine  and  others  have  been  trained  in  a  different 
school, —  quite  different, —  and  have  a  perfect  right  to 
aim  for  the  highest  round  of  your  ladder.  .  .  .  Here 
at  this  point  I  must  confide  to  you,  in  absolute  confi 
dence,  that  I  was  in  possession  of  a  letter  from  Blaine,1 
all  in  his  own  hand,  marked  "  Strictly,  absolutely  con 
fidential,"  which  I  now  possess,  with  a  copy  of  my 
answer,  with  others  from  various  people,  all  to  the  same 
effect , —  that  in  case  of  a  break  and  deadlock  between 
Blaine  and  Arthur  it  was  inevitable  that  my  name  would 
be  used,  and  that  I  had  no  more  right  to  decline  than  if 
I  had  received  an  order  as  lieutenant  of  the  army.  When 
you  come  here  sometime  I  will  show  you  these  letters, 
but  I  must  not  part  with  them.  I  had  expected  that  my 
letters  in  answer,  in  case  of  a  break  —  which  all  seemed 
to  expect  —  would  compel  the  Convention  to  turn  to  you, 
Edmunds,  Hawley,  or  Gresham,  and  it  may  be  that  my 
positive  manner  carried  conviction  of  my  sincerity  and 
stubbornness,  and  helped  to  bring  about  the  nomination 
of  Blaine  and  Logan.  Anyhow,  I  escaped,  and  that  to 
me  was  salvation.  .  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

1This  letter  was  afterwards  published  in  the  "North  American 
Review"  with  Mr.  Elaine's  consent. 


362  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

ST.  Louis,  June  15, 1884. 

Dear  Brother:  I  am  just  back  from  a  trip  to  Car 
thage,  Joplin,  etc.,  in  Southwest  Missouri.  Thence  to 
Kansas  City  in  a  week,  and  find  an  unusual  pile  of 
letters  for  answer,  yours  of  June  llth  among  the  num 
ber.  This  calls  for  an  answer,  for  I  fear  even  you  sup 
pose  I  was  coquetting  with  the  Chicago  Convention.  Of 
course  this  is  not  true,  and  if  you  could  be  here  to  see 
the  letters  and  telegrams  received  by  me  marked 
"Strictly  confidential,"  from  parties  even  you  cannot 
conjecture,  you  would  have  to  admit  that  my  course  was 
fair,  honest,  and  straightforward.  .  .  . 

Henderson,  and  Henderson  alone,  had  a  scratch  of  pen 
or  even  telegram  which  could  be  tortured  into  authority 
to  personate  me.  I  talked  with  him  before  I  went  to 
Washington,  and  explained  fully  that  in  no  event  and 
under  no  circumstances  would  I  assent  to  the  use  of  my 
name  as  a  Presidential  candidate.  He  contended  that  no 
American  citizen  could  disobey  the  "call  of  his  coun 
try,"  but  I  insisted  that  the  Chicago  Convention  was  not 
this  country.  .  .  . 

Yours  affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

The  next  three  letters  refer  to  a  controversy  between 
General  Sherman  and  Mr.  Jefferson  Davis,  which  was 
published  in  the  newspapers  at  the  time. 

ST.  Louis,  Mo.,  Dec.  4,  1884. 

Dear  Brother:  .  .  .  We  have  several  posts  of  the 
Grand  Army  here,  one  of  which,  Frank  Blair  Post  No  1, 
invited  me  to  assist  in  the  dedication  of  their  new  hall.  I 
could  not  well  decline,  and  attended.  The  hall  was  well 
filled,  but  it  is  against  the  customs  and  rules  for  reporters 
to  be  present.  I  saw  none,  but  there  must  have  been  two 


CONTROVERSY   WITH  DAVIS  363 

at  least  who  reported  what  little  I  had  to  say  differ 
ently.  Still  my  speech  was  most  imperfect  and  con 
densed,  emphasizing  what  I  said  of  Jeff  Davis,  and 
induced  somewhat  by  the  regular  speaker  of  the  even 
ing,  who  preceded  me. 

I  congratulated  them  upon  having  secured  so  good  a 
hall  in  so  good  a  neighborhood;  said  that  I  was  glad  to 
see  the  interest  manifested;  that  it  was  well  for  old  sol 
diers  thus  to  meet  to  interchange  the  memories  of  the 
war,  and  to  impress  its  lessons  on  the  rising  generation ; 
that  I  noticed  a  tendency  to  gloss  over  the  old  names 
and  facts;  that  it  was  not  a  "war  among  the  States,"  a 
war  of  "secession,"  but  a  "conspiracy"  up  to  the  firing 
on  Sumter,  and  a  "Rebellion"  afterwards;  that,  whilst 
in  Louisiana  long  before  Mr.  Lincoln  was  inaugu 
rated,  I  saw  evidences  of  the  "conspiracy,"  among  them 
the  letter  written  in  January  by  Slidell  and  Benjamin, 
then  United  States  Senators  under  the  oath,  written 
on  paper  dated  "United  States  Senate,"  etc.,  addressed 
to  T.  0.  Moore,  Governor  of  Louisiana,  to  seize  the 
United  States  Arsenal  at  Baton  Rouge ;  that  afterwards, 
during  the  progress  of  the  war,  I  had  seen  letters  of 
Mr.  Davis  —  a  chest  full  at  Jackson,  Miss.,  sent  to 
Washington  —  proving  such  "conspiracy,"  and  subse 
quently  I  had  seen  a  letter  of  Mr.  Davis  showing  that 
he  was  not  sincere  in  his  doctrine  of  secession,  for  when 
some  of  the  States  of  the  Confederacy,  in  1865,  talked 
of  "separate  State  action,"  another  name  for  "secession," 
he,  as  President  of  the  Confederacy,  would  resist  it,  even 
if  he  had  to  turn  Lee's  army  against  it.  I  did  see  such 
a  letter,  or  its  copy,  in  a  captured  letter-book  at  Raleigh, 
just  about  as  the  war  was  closing. 

Mr.  Davis,  in  a  card  addressed  to  the  "  Republican 1 " 
1  Newspaper. 


364  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

of  this  city,  published  by  it  and  generally  copied,  pro 
nounced  this  false,  calls  on  me  to  produce  the  identical 
letter,  or  to  stand  convicted  of  being  a  slanderer.  Of 
course  I  cannot  for  an  instant  allow  Mr.  Davis  to  call 
on  me  for  any  specific  document,  or  to  enter  up  judg 
ment  on  the  statement  of  a  newspaper.  Still,  I  believe 
the  truth  of  my  statement  can  be  established.  I  will 
not  answer  Mr.  Davis  direct,  nor  will  I  publish  any 
thing  over  my  signature,  but  I  will  collect  evidence  to 
make  good  my  statement.  The  particular  letter  shown 
me  at  Ealeigh  may  be  in  the  public  archives  at  Wash 
ington,  as  I  am  sure  that  the  box  or  chest  was  sent 
from  Jackson,  Miss.;  but  I  apprehend  that  the  papers 
gathered  at  Fayetteville,  Kaleigh,  and  Chapel  Hill  Uni 
versity  were  of  those  taken  in  hand  by  my  two  adju 
tants,  Generals  Sawyer  and  Rochester,  brought  to  St. 
Louis,  assorted  and  arranged  as  part  of  the  records  of 
the  "Division  of  the  Missouri,"  and  sent  to  Chicago  at 
the  time  General  Sheridan  relieved  me.  These  records 
were  consumed  in  the  great  fire  of  Chicago,  1871,  but  of 
the  existence  of  such  a  letter  I  have  not  a  particle  of 
doubt.  Of  course  I  cannot  recall  the  words,  but  the 
general  purport  was  such  as  to  recall  to  my  mind  the  old 
fable  of  the  Farmer  and  the  Ox:  "It  makes  all  the 
difference  in  the  world  whether  your  bull  gores  my  ox 
or  mine  yours." 

I  have  made  some  inquiries  of  Col.  R.  N.  Scott,  in 
charge  of  the  Rebellion  Records,  Union  and  Confederate, 
and  if  the  correspondence  between  Mr.  Davis  and  the 
State  Governors  is  among  these  records,  Mr.  Davis  will 
have  his  letter.  I  am  not  the  custodian  of  the  records 
of  the  war,  which  fill  many  buildings  in  Washington. 
As  to  Davis7  opinions  at  that  date,  January  and  Febru 
ary,  1865,  I  can,  I  think,  obtain  secondary  proof,  being 


LETTER   OF  A.  H.    STEPHENS  365 

promised  an  original  letter  from  Thad.  Stevens1  to 
Herschel  V.  Johnson,  captured  and  still  retained  by  a 
sergeant  in  the  Union  Army. 

As  to  the  "conspiracy,"  the  proof  is  overwhelming. 
As  to  Davis'  opinions  in  the  winter  of  1864-65,  I  am 
equally  satisfied,  but  may  not  be  able  to  prove  by  his 
own  handwriting.  .  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

ST.  Louis,  Dec.  7,  1884. 
HON.  JOHN  SHERMAN, 
Washington,  D.C. 

Dear  Brother :  In  my  letter  a  few  days  since,  I  re 
ferred  to  a  letter  of  Hon.  Thad.  Stevens.  I  meant,  of 
course,  Hon.  A.  H.  Stephens  of  Georgia.  I  now  en 
close  a  copy  of  that  letter  under  cover  of  a  note  to  Col. 
E,.  N.  Scott,  in  charge  of  the  General  Records.  I  want 
you  to  read  that  letter  carefully  and  then  send  it  to 
Scott  to  be  preserved  among  the  archives.  Such  let 
ters  contain  more  real  truth  than  official  papers.  It  was 
from  such  papers  that  I  gained  the  most  valuable  infor 
mation  of  the  actual  condition  of  facts.  Hundreds  of 
similar  letters  reached  me,  and  I  fear  we  were  not  care 
ful  enough  in  their  preservation. 

They  make  up  the  unwritten  history  or  traditions  of 
the  war,  one  of  the  principal  objects  of  the  Grand  Army 
of  the  Eepublic.  Affectionately  yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

UNITED  STATES  SENATE, 
WASHINGTON,  D.C.,  Dec.  10,  1884. 

Dear  Brother:  ...  I  can  see  how  naturally  you 
spoke  of  Jeff  Davis  as  you  did,  and  you  did  not  say  a 

1  See  following  letter. 


366  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

word  more  than  he  deserved.  Still  he  scarcely  deserves 
to  be  brought  into  notice.  He  was  not  only  a  conspira 
tor,  but  a  traitor.  His  reply  was  a  specimen  of  impo 
tent  rage.  It  is  scarcely  worth  your  notice,  nor  should 
you  dignify  it  by  a  direct  rejoinder.  A  clear,  strong 
statement  of  the  historical  facts  that  justified  the  use  of 
the  word  "conspirator,"  which  you  know  very  well  how 
to  write,  is  all  the  notice  required.  Do  not  attempt  to 
fortify  it  by  an  affidavit,  as  some  paper  says  you  intend 
to  do,  but  your  statement  of  the  letters  seen  by  you  and 
the  historical  facts  known  by  you  are  enough.  I  have 
had  occasion,  since  your  letter  was  received,  to  speak  to 
several  senators  about  the  matter,  and  they  all  agree 
with  me  that  you  ought  to  avoid  placing  the  controversy 
on  letters  which  cannot  now  be  produced.  The  Records 
have  been  pretty  well  sifted  by  friendly  rebels,  and 
under  the  new  administration  it  is  likely  their  further 
publication  will  be  edited  by  men  who  will  gladly  shield 
Davis  even  at  the  expense  of  a  Union  soldier.  The 
letter  of  Stephens  to  Johnson  is  an  extraordinary  one. 
Its  publication  will  be  a  bombshell  in  the  Confederate 
camp.  I  will  deliver  the  copy  to  Colonel  Scott  to 
morrow.  One  or  two  paragraphs  from  it  go  far  to  sus 
tain  your  stated  opinion  of  Jeff  Davis.  .  .  . 
Very  affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 


In  January,  1885,  John  Sherman  was  elected  to  the 
United  States  Senate  for  the  fifth  time,  and  writes  to 
his  brother  about  it. 


.  .  .  My  re-election  to  the  Senate  for  the  fifth  time 
is  unprecedented  in  the  history  of  Ohio,  and  for  this  I 
am  indebted  to  the  difficulty  of  selecting  from  among 


JOHN  SHERMAN'S  FIFTH  ELECTION         367 

younger  men  of  equal  claims  and  calibre.  ...  I  also 
feel  that  it  is  the  highest  point  of  my  political  life,  for 
if  I  live  to  the  end  of  my  term  I  shall  be  seventy  years 
old.  I  have  had  enough  of  the  contentions  of  political 
life  and  wish  now  to  take  a  tranquil  and  moderate 
course,  which,  indeed,  is  the  best  for  the  country,  now 
that  we  have  no  great,  exciting  questions  to  decide. 
The  view  expressed  in  my  speech  (a  well-printed  copy 
of  which  I  will  try  to  send  you)  is  my  sincere  view  of 
the  situation.  The  dangers  before  us  are  election  frauds 
and  labor  difficulties.  These  will  be  local  at  the  begin 
ning,  but  may  involve  the  whole  country. 

And  General  Sherman  answers :  — 

I  have  received  your  letter  of  the  16th,  and  some 
how  felt  unusually  gratified  that  you  had  been  elected 
senator  for  the  fifth  time  in  the  State  of  Ohio.  This  is 
a  great  honor,  and  I  feel  my  full  share  of  satisfaction. 
I  believe  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  to  be  the  equal 
in  intellectual  capacity  of  any  deliberative  body  on 
earth.  .  .  . 

In  the  following  October,  General  Sherman  writes 
from  St.  Louis  of  the  elections  in  Ohio. 

The  newspapers  here  now  state  that  the  Ohio  election 
has  gone  fairly  and  conclusively  to  the  Kepublicans, 
and  pronounce  you  as  the  cause.  So,  apart  from  the 
immediate  results  and  the  influence  it  may  have  on  other 
elections,  it  will  introduce  the  "  Bloody  Shirt "  as  a  part 
of  the  Republican  doctrine.  Of  course  the  name  "  Bloody 
Shirt "  is  pure  bosh,  like  the  old  political  cries  of  "  Black 
Republicans,"  "Niggers,"  etc.,  etc.,  so  familiar  to  us  in 
1860-61.  I  understand  your  position  to  be  that  by  Sec- 


368  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

tion  2,  Article  14,  Amendments  of  the  Constitution,  by 
which  Eepresentatives  in  Congress  are  apportioned,  the 
South  gained  in  numbers,  and  yet  practically  have  de 
feated  the  main  purpose  of  the  Amendment.  Now,  as 
Congress  had  the  power  to  enforce  that  Section  by  the 
Fifth  Section,  I  am  asked  why  it  was  not  done  when  the 
Republicans  had  the  Government.  So  far  as  I  can  learn 
the  negroes  at  the  South  are  protected  and  encouraged 
in  gaining  property  and  education ;  also  in  voting  when 
their  vote  does  not  affect  the  result.  But  the  feeling  is 
universal  against  their  "ruling  white  men.7'  How  force 
or  law  can  be  brought  to  bear  is  the  most  difficult  prob 
lem  I  can  conceive  of,  and  I  think  you  are  perfectly  right 
in  making  the  issue ;  a  good  result  will  follow  from  its 
fair,  open  discussion.  My  notion  is  that  the  negro 
himself  will  have  to  fight  for  his  right  of  suffrage,  but 
the  laws  of  the  United  States  for  electing  Members  of 
the  House  should  be  made  as  strong  as  possible,  to  en 
courage  the  negroes  in  voting  for  their  candidates,  and, 
if  need  be,  fighting  for  their  right  when  they  have  an 
undoubted  majority.  .  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

ST.  Louis,  Nov.  8,  1885. 

Dear  Brother:  ...  I  have  been  importuned  from 
every  quarter  to  write  or  say  something  about  the 
"Depew"  revelations,1  but  have  steadily  refused  any 
thing  for  publication.  But  a  few  days  ago  Blaine  wrote 
me  confidentially,  as  he  wanted  information  in  the  prepa 
ration  of  his  second  volume.  I  have  answered  him,  send 
ing  copies  of  letters  and  papers  from  my  private  files, 

1  This  refers  to  an  interview  with  Mr.  Depew  referring  to  the  John 
son-Grant  difficulty  at  the  end  of  the  war. 


GENERAL  HANCOCK'S  FUNERAL  369 

which  I  believe  established  these  points.  The  attempt 
to  send  General  Grant  along  with  Lew  Campbell  to 
Mexico  in  October,  1866,  had  no  connection  with  Con 
gress's  final  quarrel  with  President  Johnson,  which  did 
not  happen  till  after  January  14,  1 865,  and  then  only 
because  Grant  allowed  Stanton  to  regain  his  office  as 
Secretary  of  War,  after  forcing  him  to  contend  for  it  in 
the  courts.  Indeed,  Grant  served  in  Johnson's  Cabinet 
during  Stanton's  suspension,  viz.,  from  August,  1867,  to 
January,  1868,  and  was,  to  my  personal  knowledge,  on 
friendly  terms  with  Johnson.  The  real  cause  for  their 
quarrel  was  that  article  in  the  "National  Intelligencer,7' 
January  14,  1868,  when  four  members  of  the  Cabinet 
accused  Grant  of  prevaricating  and  deceiving  the  Pres 
ident.  I  was  present  when  Grant  made  his  explanation 
of  the  whole  case  to  Johnson,  and  I  understood  the  latter 
to  express  himself  as  satisfied.  But  the  newspapers  kept 
it  up,  and  made  the  breach  final  and  angry. 

I  do  not  believe  that  Johnson  ever  contemplated  the 
use  of  force  against  Congress,  and  am  equally  sure  that 
Grant,  at  the  time,  had  no  fear  or  apprehension  of  such 
a  thing.  .  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 

W.  T.  SHEKMAN. 

ST.  Louis,  Feb.  23,  1886. 

Dear  Brother :  I  owe  you  a  personal  explanation  as 
to  why  I  did  not  come  to  Washington  during  my  last 
visit  East.  After  positively  refusing  to  attend  the  ban 
quet  to  the  Loyal  Legion  at  Cincinnati  (President  Hayes 
the  Commander),  I  was  persuaded  at  the  last  minute 
that  I  ought  to  go.  After  I  had  packed  my  valise,  I 
heard  of  General  Hancock's  death,  made  one  or  two 
despatches  to  General  Whipple  as  Adjutant-General,  my 


370  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

former  Aide,  asking  him  to  communicate  with  me  at  the 
Burnet  House.1  On  arrival,  I  was  met  by  President 
Hayes  and  General  Cox  and  others,  who  explained  that 
[by]  the  death  of  General  Hancock,  the  president  of  the 
Order  of  the  L^yal  Legion,  they  had  been  forced  to 
modify  their  piogramme,  and  that  I  must  respond  to  the 
memory  of  General  Hancock.  I  was  kept  busy  all  that 
day  by  a  stream  of  visitors,  and  when  the  company  had 
assembled  for  the  banquet,  full  four  hundred  in  the 
room,  without  notes  or  memoranda,  I  spoke  for  about 
ten  minutes.  My  words  were  taken  down  and  sent  off 
without  a  chance  of  revision,  but  I  afterwards  learned 
that  Mrs.  Hancock  was  especially  pleased.  At  the 
Burnet  House  I  got  all  the  notices  of  the  funeral,  which 
compelled  me  to  travel  to  New  York.  En  route  was 
delayed  a  couple  of  hours  by  the  flood  in  Delaware.  It 
was  two  o'clock  at  night  before  I  could  lie  down,  and  I 
had  to  be  up  at  six  to  go  down  to  the  Battery,  where  the 
funeral  was  to  commence.  We  were  kept  busy  till 
night,  when  Miles  and  I  went  to  Elly's 2  for  dinner,  and 
it  was  midnight  when  we  got  to  the  Fifth  Avenue 

Hotel.  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

ST.  Louis,  April  3, 1886. 

Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  I  shall  go  to  California  to  be  in 
San  Francisco  August  3d-5th  for  the  Encampment  of  the 
G.  A.  R.,  when,  of  course,  I  shall  be  forced  to  say  some 
thing.  It  occurs  to  me  that  I  should  say  something 
about  the  annexation  of  California  to  the  Union.  I 
know  that  Webster  advised  a  friend  of  his  as  early  as 
1843-44  to  go  to  California,  because  it  surely  would  on 

1  Cincinnati.  2  His  daughter's. 


SPEECH  IN  SAN  FRANCISCO  371 

the  first  pretext  be  captured  and  held  by  the  United 
States. 

I  have  all  the  executive  documents  for  1847,  also  the 
special  Mexican  War  correspondence,  but  I  fail  to  find 
Corwin's  speech  where  he  used  the  expression  that  were 
he  a  Mexican  he  would  welcome  the  enemy  (the  Ameri 
cans)  "with  bloody  hands  to  hospitable  graves."  Can 
you  get  this  speech  for  me,  or  an  extract?  I  know  that 
General  Taylor  believed  that  Texas  did  not  reach  the 
Kio  Grande  but  was  bordered  by  the  Eiver  Nueces,  and 
that  the  proclamation  of  war  was  based  on  an  error  that 
"American  blood  had  been  shed  on  American  soil,"  and 
now  comes  Grant,  who  expresses  more  than  a  doubt  if 
the  first  blood  shed  —  Palo  Alto  —  was  not  on  "  Mexican 
soil."  Notwithstanding  this,  I  believe  the  annexation  of 
California  was  essential  to  the  world's  progress  at  that 
date.  The  Mexicans  had  held  it  for  a  hundred  years 
without  material  improvement,  whereas  under  our 
domination  it  at  once  began  that  wonderful  development 
which  we  now  experience.  .  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


SENATE  CHAMBER, 
WASHINGTON,  D.C.,  April  6,  1886. 

Dear  Brother:  Yours  of  the  3d  is  received.  The 
speech  of  Mr.  Corwin,  to  which  you  refer,  was  made  in 
the  United  States  Senate  on  the  llth  of  February,  1847, 
on  the  Mexican  War.  It  is  a  very  long  speech,  and 
is  to  be  found  on  pages  211-218.  Enclosed  is  the  extract 
you  refer  to :  — 

"If  I  were  a  Mexican  I  would  tell  you,  'Have  you  no 
room  in  our  own  country  to  bury  your  dead  men? '  If 


372  THE  SHEEMAN  LETTERS 

you  come  into  mine  we  will  greet  you  with  bloody  hands, 
and  welcome  you  to  hospitable  graves."  .... 

The  speech  of  Corwin's  is  worth  reading  through, 
as  it  gives  fully  his  idea  of  the  injustice  of  the  war  with 
Mexico,  which  I  think  was  shared  by  the  great  body  of 
intelligent  people  in  the  North,  but  was  opposed  by  the 
cry  "  Our  country,  right  or  wrong !  "  which  perhaps  after 
war  commences  is  the  best  public  policy.  ... 
Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

ST.  Louis,  April  13,  1886. 

Dear  Brother:  Your  letter  was  duly  received,  and 
the  quotation  from  Corwin's  speech  will  be  all  I  want. 
I  remember  the  fact  that  when  General  Taylor's  army 
marched  from  Corpus  Christi,  Texas,  to  Matamoras,  it 
was  generally  noted  that  what  few  people  were  encoun 
tered  south  of  the  Nueces  were  all  Mexicans.  Their 
(Mexican)  maps  made  Texas  cease  at  that  line,  and  our 
only  title  to  that  part  of  the  country  was  Texas'  claim 
to  the  Eio  Grande  as  the  bounda^,  so  that  the  army 
officers,  notably  General  Taylor,  always  ridiculed  the 
action  of  the  President  and  Congress  — "  whereas 
American  blood  has  been  shed  on  American  soil," 
etc.,  etc. 

Nevertheless  war  did  exist  and  did  continue  till  we 
had  acquired  California,  New  Mexico,  etc.  Our  pay 
ment  to  Mexico  of  $15,000,000  at  the  end  of  the  war  was 
an  act  of  generosity,  and  made  our  title  one  of  purchase 
rather  than  conquest.  Mexico  never  could  have  devel 
oped  California  as  we  did,  and  without  California  we 
could  not  have  filled  up  the  intervening  space.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


REMOVAL   TO  NEW  YORK  373 

In  June,  1886,  General  Sherman  removed  from  St. 
Louis  to  New  York,  where  he  lived  for  two  years  at  the 
Fifth  Avenue  Hotel,  and  afterwards  bought  a  house  on 
Seventy-first  Street.  Referring  to  his  removal  to  the 
East,  John  Sherman  writes  in  June,  1886 :  — 

....  It  is  well,  too,  that  the  drift  of  events  brings 
you  eastward.  You  must  be  aware  that  the  wonder  has 
been  that,  having  the  whole  country  to  choose  as  a  home, 
you  should  settle  upon  St.  Louis.  I  could  understand 
it,  but  many  others  do  not.  Almost  daily  I  am  asked 
when  the  General  is  coming  back  to  Washington,  and 
always  with  the  earnest  hope  that  it  will  be  soon  and  to 
stay.  .  .  . 

From  this  time  on  the  brothers  saw  each  other  con 
stantly,  and  their  letters,  referring  chiefly  to  family  and 
social  affairs,  are  infrequent  and  disconnected.  On 
February  1,  1887,  General  Sherman  sends  his  brother  a 
letter  of  advice  regarding  a  Southern  trip,  which  John 
Sherman  took  in  the  spring  of  that  year. 

...  I  came  near  closing  without  answering  the  part 
of  your  letter  most  important.  I  certainly  do  feel  com 
petent  to  advise  about  that  contemplated  trip.  Go  south 
via  Eichmond  to  Atlanta,  Savannah,  Jacksonville, 
Florida,  by  the  St.  John's  to  Enterprise  and  Sanford, 
visiting  St.  Augustine  en  route.  At  Sanford  go  by  rail 
to  Tampa,  and  if  the  railroad  is  finished,  to  Charlotte 
Harbor  on  the  Gulf  side,  whence  a  steamer  goes  to 
Havana.  Much  of  the  interior  of  Cuba  can  be  reached 
by  rail, —  Santa  Kosa  and  Matanzas.  The  last-named 
is  to  me  the  finest  place  in  Cuba.  March  and  April  are 
good  months  there.  May  and  June  are  too  hot.  You 
will  meet  acquaintances  everywhere.  There  are  a  great 
many  beautiful  places  along  the  St.  John's  Kiver,  with 


374  THE  SHEEMAN  LETTERS 

good  boats,  hotels,  and  accommodations  of  all  sorts,  and 
the  same  in  Cuba.  I  am  sure  that  the  railroad  is  fin 
ished  to  Charlotte  Harbor,  but  you  can  learn  the  best 
way  to  reach  Cuba  from  the  Post-Office  Department.  On 
the  Gulf  side  of  Florida,  you  have  the  cluster  of  islands, 
leaving  only  the  ninety  miles  of  open  sea  from  Key  West 
to  Havana,  made  in  a  single  daylight. 

Havana  is  a  very  interesting  city,  though  for  a  week's 
stay  I  would  prefer  Matanzas  and  the  interior  bay. 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

The  end  of  the  next  letter,  referring  to  the  return  of 
captured  rebel  flags,  is  published  in  order  to  explain  in 
some  measure  General  Sherman's  silence  on  this  matter, 
which  was  so  widely  and  freely  commented  upon  at  the 
time. 

NEW  YORK,  FIFTH  AVENUE,  June  26,  1887. 
Dear  Brother:  I  have  just  returned  from  Saratoga 
and  Lake  George,  and  am  now  arranging  for  Providence, 
E.I.,  where  on  the  Fourth  of  July  there  is  to  be  inaugu 
rated  an  equestrian  statue  of  General  Burnside.  I  was 
always  one  of  Burnside 's  personal  friends,  but  after  the 
battle  of  Chattanooga  or  Missionary  Eidge,  -and  after  I 
had  forced  my  Army  of  the  Tennessee  to  march  by  land 
450  miles  in  October,  November,  1863,  from  Memphis 
to  Chattanooga,  General  Grant,  finding  the  Fourth  Corps 
—  General  Gordon  Granger  —  moving  too  slow,  called 
on  me  to  go  to  his  relief  at  Knoxville,  which  I  did  effect 
ually  and  conclusively.  Burnside  in  Knoxville  report 
ing  to  Mr.  Lincoln  direct,  treated  his  siege  as  a  ques 
tion  of  supplies,  viz.,  that  his  supplies  would  be  exhausted 
about  December  3d,  when  want  would  compel  him  to 
surrender.  I  was  therefore  forced  to  march  my  already 


RETURNING   THE  BATTLE  FLAGS  375 

weary  Army  of  the  Tennessee  near  136  miles  in  four 
days,  or  be  held  responsible  for  the  terrible  consequences 
of  his  surrender.  I  forced  my  men  at  twenty-six  miles 
a  day,  and  when  I  got  to  Knoxville  I  found  inside  a  fine 
pen  of  cattle,  and  was  invited  to  dine  with  Burnside  at  a 
dinner  with  a  roast  turkey,  tablecloth,  knives,  forks, 
and  spoons,  which  I  had  not  seen  for  years.  My 
Memoirs  described  the  literal  truth,  but  Burnside's 
friends  thought  it  hard  on  him,  and  now  I  shall  go  to 
the  dedication  of  his  monument  to  apologize  for  telling 
the  truth.  Others  may  orate,  I  will  not.  I  will  simply 
assert  a  personal  friendship.  Burnside  was  not  a  com 
bative  man.  He  was  kind,  good,  and  patriotic,  as  you 
saw  him  in  the  Senate,  but  he  did  not  come  up  to  the 
occasion.  In  war  we  must  use  all  forces,  and  now  when 
we  look  back  we  recognize  the  qualities  of  each.  Burn- 
side  was  a  good  man,  but  he  was  not  a  war  soldier. 

The  New  York  papers  make  out  that  you  and  I  differ. 
Of  course,  we  all  differ.  I  stand  by  the  authorities.  .  .  . 
Mr.  Cleveland  is  President,  so  recognized  by  Con 
gress,  Supreme  Court,  and  the  world.  Now,  by  the 
Fifth  Article  of  War,  made  the  law  before  you  were 
born,  every  officer  of  the  Army  of  the  United  States  who 
speaks  disrespectfully  of  the  President  of  the  United 
States  becomes  a  felon  the  same  as  one  who  has  com 
mitted  murder,  felony,  forgery,  treason,  or  any  crime, 
and  could  be  punished  at  the  discretion  of  a  court-martial. 
I  am  still  an  officer  of  the  army,  and  cannot  violate  this 
law.  Of  course  I  know  Drum,  the  Adjutant-General. 
He  has  no  sympathy  with  the  army  which  fought.  He 
was  a  non-combatant.  He  never  captured  a  flag,  and 
values  it  only  at  its  commercial  value.  He  did  not  think 
of  the  blood  and  torture  of  battle ;  nor  can  Endicott,  the 
Secretary  of  War,  or  Mr.  Cleveland.  .  .  .  Still,  in 


376  THE  SHEEMAN  LETTERS 

Republics  majorities  govern,  and  since  only  one  in  six 
teen  go  to  war,  non-combatants  always  govern.  The 
soldier  who  rights  must  take  a  back  seat  and  apologize 
for  his  vehemence  in  action.  Grant  had  to  apologize, 
Sheridan  to  shelter  himself  behind  his  most  proper 
orders  to  devastate  the  Valley  of  the  Shenandoah,  and 
Sherman  to  be  abused  and  assailed  for  the  accidental 
burning  of  Columbia  in  the  day  of  Republican  rule.  .  .  . 
In  1861-65  we  fought  for  union  and  right.  The  soldiers 
restored  to  Congress  full  power,  and  returned  to  their 
civil  vocations.  Congress  surrendered  the  country  to  the 
non-combatants,  and  now  it  is  questionable  whether  Lin 
coln  or  Jeff  Davis  was  the  Union  man.  Jeff  now  says 
he  never  meant  war.  He  thought  that  they  would  be 
allowed  to  do  as  they  pleased  without  war.  Lincoln  was 
the  assailant,  Davis  only  on  the  "defensive-offensive." 

MANSFIELD,  OHIO,  Sept.  3,  1887. 

Dear  Brother :  Your  letter  of  the  27th  came  as  I  was 
starting  for  the  Ohio  Fair.  From  thence  I  went  to 
Lancaster,  and  found  all  well.  .  .  .  My  trip  to  the 
Pacific  over  the  Canadian  Railroad  was  a  great  success. 
We  travelled  7000  miles  without  fatigue,  accident, 
or  detention.  We  stopped  over  at  the  chief  points  of 
interest,  such  as  Toronto,  Montreal,  Sudbury,  Port 
Arthur,  Winnipeg,  Calgary,  Banff,  Donald,  Glacier 
House,  Vancouver,  Victoria,  Seattle,  and  Tacoma,  and 
yet  made  the  round  trip  within  the  four  weeks  allowed. 
We  did  not  go  to  Alaska,  because  of  the  fogs  and  for 
want  of  time.  The  trip  was  very  instructive,  giving 
me  an  inside  view  of  many  questions  that  may  be  impor 
tant  in  the  future.  The  country  did  not  impress  me  as 
a  desirable  acquisition,  though  it  would  not  be  a  bad  one. 
The  people  are  hardy  and  industrious.  If  they  had  free 


ANNEXATION  377 

commercial  intercourse  with  the  United  States,  their 
farms,  forests,  and  mines  would  become  more  valuable, 
but  at  the  expense  of  the  manufactures.  If  the  popula 
tion  of  Mexico  and  Canada  were  homogeneous  with  ours, 
the  union  of  the  three  countries  would  make  the  whole 
the  most  powerful  nation  in  the  world.  I  am  not  so 
sure  but  this  would  be  a  good  thing  to  do.  ... 
Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

NEW  YORK,  Sept.  6,  1887. 

Dear  Brother:  I  am  sorry  you  lost  the  trip  to 
Alaska,  but  it  will  give  you  an  excuse  for  making  it  at 
some  future  time.  I  have  never  been  there,  and  feel 
little  curiosity  about  it.  My  judgment  at  present  is  that 
we  want  no  more  territory.  If  we  could  take  in  the 
territory  of  Ontario  it  would  make  a  good  State,  but  the 
vast  hyperborean  region  of  the  North  would  embarrass 
us  with  inchoate  States  and  Territories  without  a  corre 
sponding  revenue.  I  am  dead  opposed  to  any  more  of 
Mexico.  All  the  northern  part  is  desert,  like  the  worst 
parts  of  Texas,  New  Mexico,  and  Arizona.  Further 
south  the  population  is  mixed  Spanish  and  Indian,  who 
never  can  be  harmonized  with  our  race.  Eight  millions 
of  such  people  would  endanger  our  institutions.  We 
have  already  enough  disturbing  influences. 

Affectionately  yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

General  Sherman  writes  in  October,  1887,  referring 
to  his  retirement :  — 

Dear  Brother:  ...  I  am  perfectly  content  to  have 
retired  when  I  did,  as  the  present  regime  makes  Sheri 
dan's  command  of  the  army  a  farce.  The  army  is  drift 
ing  back  into  the  same  old  condition,  when  Jeff  Davis 


378  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

was  Secretary  of  War,  when  secretaries  and  other  clerks 
gave  military  orders  to  General  Scott  and  those  under 
him.  In  case  of  a  new  war,  army  commanders  will  be 
hampered  just  as  we  were  in  1861.  .  .  . 

NEW  YORK, 
Fifth  Avenue  Hotel,  April  1,  1888. 

Dear  Brother :  .  .  .  This  morning  at  breakfast  I  re 
ceived  a  note  from  Gen.  B.  F.  Butler,  asking  me  to  say 
when  he  could  see  me.  I  supposed  it  was  about  a  son 
of  his  nephew  George  and  Rose  Eytinge,  about  whom  I 
had  written  him  two  months  ago.  After  breakfast  I 
went  to  the  office  and  found  that  he  was  in  Eoom  1,  on 
the  ground  floor,  so  I  went  there.  He  was  alone,  and 
asked  me  to  be  seated.  I  commenced  to  speak  of  his 
grand-nephew,  when  he  said  that  was  not  the  reason  of 
his  call.  He  then  took  up  the  conversation,  and  said 
that  the  country  was  in  real  danger,  revealed  by  the  death 
of  the  Chief  Justice,  that  there  was  a  purpose  clearly 
revealed  for  the  old  rebels  to  capture  the  Supreme  Court, 
as  shown  by  the  appointment  of  Lamar  and  the  equal 
certainty  of  Waite  being  succeeded  by  a  Copperhead  or 
out  and  out  rebel ;  that  in  the  next  four  years  Miller  and 
Bradley  would  create  vacancies  to  be  filled  in  like  man 
ner,  thus  giving  the  majority  in  that  court  to  a  party 
which  fought  to  destroy  the  Government,  thereby  giving 
those  we  beat  in  battle  the  sacred  fruits  of  victory. 
That  is  a  real  danger.  .  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

1319  K  ST.,  WASHINGTON,  D.C., 
Nov.  9,  1889. 

Dear  Brother:  .  .  .  The  coming  session  of  Congress 
is  to  be  an  important  one,  not  in  a  political  sense  but  in 


HARBISON  AND   "  THE  OFFICES  "  379 

a  business  sense.  The  tariff,  commercial  relations  with 
American  States,  and  differences  with  Canada  are  likely 
to  occupy  a  good  deal  of  time,  and  in  all  of  these  I  shall 
have  to  take  a  part.  What  is  worse,  we  will  have  the 
distribution  of  many  offices.  Harrison  holds  on  to  this 
dangerous  power,  and  is  likely  to  distribute  it  during  his 
entire  term.  If  so,  he  will  not  have  another.  Cleveland 
did  the  same  and  lost.  A  President  should,  within  the 
first  few  months  of  his  term,  fill  all  the  most  important 
appointments,  and  then  he  may  hope  to  recover  from 
the  effect  before  his  term  closes.  But  I  suppose  you  are 
not  interested  in  these  things,  and  I  begin  to  regard 
myself  as  a  spectator  rather  than  an  actor.  It  is  not  at 
all  likely  that  I  shall  ever  seek  or  accept  an  office 
again.  .  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

NEW  YORK,  Nov.  12,  1889. 

Dear  Brother :  I  was  very  glad  to  receive  your  full 
letter  of  November  9th,  to  hear  that  you  are  safely  back 
at  your  Washington  home,  and  take  the  recent  election 
so  philosophically.  I  wanted  Foraker  to  succeed,  because 
he  was  one  of  my  young  soldiers.  He  cannot  be  sup 
pressed,  and  will  turn  up  again.  I  think  you  are  also 
wise  in  your  conclusion  to  retire  gracefully  at  the  end 
of  your  present  term.  To  be  a  President  for  four  years 
is  not  much  of  an  honor,  but  to  have  been  senator  con 
tinuously  from  1861  to  1892  —  less  the  four  years  as 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  —  is  an  honor.  Webster  and 
Clay  are  better  known  to  the  world  than  Polk  and  Pierce. 
As  to  myself,  I  continue  pretty  much  as  always  in  uni 
versal  demand  for  soldiers'  meetings,  college  commence 
ments,  and  such  like  things  —  always  with  a  promise 


380  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

that  I  will  not  be  called  on  to  speak,  which  is  always 
broken  —  worse  still,  generally  exaggerated  by  re 
porters.  .  .  . 

Affectionately, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 

SENATE  CHAMBER, 
WASHINGTON,  B.C.,  July  21,  1890. 

Dear  Brother:  .  .  .  You  are  living  the  life  proper 
for  your  position  and  services,  —  everywhere  welcome, 
all  you  say  and  do  applauded,  and  secure  in  a  competence 
and  independent  in  all  things.  I  will  deliver  your  mes 
sage  J  to  Edmunds,  but  you  will  not  probably  find  him  at 
Burlington,  August  20th.  We  are  to  have  important 
questions  before  us,  but  I  mean  to  act  not  as  a  laborer 
but  as  an  umpire.  I  am  for  peace  at  home  and  abroad, 
and  if  I  cannot  do  much  that  is  actively  good  I  will  try 
and  prevent  harm,  and  if  possible  will  tranquilly  glide 
down  the  rest  of  the  road  of  life,  enjoying  all  I  can  and 
helping  those  who  deserve  help. 

Affectionately  yours, 

JOHN  SHERMAN. 

NEW  YORK,  July  22,  1890. 

Dear  Brother :  I  was  gratified  by  the  general  tone  and 
spirit  of  your  letter  of  yesterday,  just  received.  You 
surely  in  the  past  have  achieved  as  much  success  in  civil 
affairs  as  my  most  partial  friends  claim  for  me  in  mili 
tary  affairs.  It  is  now  demonstrated  that  with  univer 
sal  suffrage  and  the  organization  of  political  parties  no 
man  of  supreme  ability  can  be  President,  and  that  our 
President  with  only  four  years  is  only  a  chip  on  the 

i  Hoping  to  meet  Mr.  Edmunds  at  Burlington,  Vt.,  at  that  date. 


DEATH  OF  SECRETARY  WINDOM  381 

surface.  Not  a  single  person  has  been  President  in  our 
time  without  having  been,  in  his  own  judgment,  the 
most  abused,  if  not  the  most  miserable,  man  in  the 
whole  community.  Your  experience  has  simply  been 
with  nominating  conventions.  It  would  have  been  ten 
fold  worse  had  you  succeeded  in  obtaining  the  nomina 
tion  and  election. 

I  had  a  letter  from  General  Alger  yesterday,  asking 
me  to  ride  in  the  procession  at  Boston,  August  12th,  in 
full  uniform,  to  which  I  answered  No  with  an  emphasis. 
I  will  attend  as  a  delegate  from  Missouri,  as  a  private, 
and  will  not  form  in  any  procession,  horseback  or  other 
wise.  It  is  cruel  to  march  old  veterans  five  miles,  like 
a  circus,  under  a  mid-day  sun  for  the  gratification  of  a 

Boston  audience.  .  .  . 

Affectionately  yours, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


NEW  YORK,  Tuesday,  Feb.  3,  1891. 

Dear  Brother :  I  am  drifting  along  in  the  old  rut  in 
good  strength,  attending  to  about  four  dinners  a  week  at 
public  or  private  houses,  and  generally  wind  up  for 
gossip  at  the  Union  League  Club.  Last  night,  discuss 
ing  the  effect  of  Mr.  Windom's  death  and  funeral,  sev 
eral  prominent  gentlemen  remarked  that  Windom's  fine 
speech  just  preceding  his  death  was  in  line  with  yours 
on  the  silver  question  in  the  Senate,  and  also  with  a 
carefully  prepared  interview  with  you  by  George  Alfred 
Townsend,  which  I  had  not  seen.  I  have  ordered  of  my 
book-man  the  New  York  "  Sun  "  of  Sunday,  February  1st, 
which  contains  the  interview. 

You  sent  me  a  copy  of  your  bill  in  pamphlet  form, 


382  THE  SHERMAN  LETTERS 

which  was  begged  from  me,  and  as  others  naturally  apply 
for  copies  I  wish  you  would  have  your  secretary  send 
me  a  dozen,  that  I  may  distribute  them. 
All  well  here  and  send  love. 

Your  affectionate  brother, 

W.  T.  SHERMAN. 


INDEX 


Absenteeism,  159,  177,  226. 

Alden,  Admiral,  invites  Gen.  Sher 
man  to  go  to  the  Mediterranean 
333. 

Alger,  Gen.,  381. 

Allen,  30. 

Amendments  to  the  Constitution, 
see  Constitution. 

Anderson,  Gen.  Robert,  Gen.  Sher 
man  goes  to  meet,  126,  127; 
orders  Gen.  Sherman  to  Mul- 
draugh's  Hill,  131 ;  resigns,  132. 

Andes,  W.  T.  Sherman's  descrip 
tion  of,  36. 

Arapahoes,  the,  322. 

Arkansas  Post,  captured,  181,  183. 

Army,  difficulties  of  managing  the, 
182;  suffering  from  the  apathy 
of  the  nation,  184 ;  in  the  West, 
condition  of,  226;  bills,  the,  264; 
cannot  be  used  in  political  com 
plications,  281;  too  expensive, 
346,  347;  drifting  back,  377, 
378. 

Arsenal  at  Baton  Rouge,  see  Baton 

Rouge  arsenal. 
Arthur,  Chester  A.,  360. 
Atlanta,  capture  of,  239 ;  important 

to  the  South,  242. 
Augusta  arsenal,  Ga.,  W.  T.  Sher 


man  at,  28. 


Banks,  Gen.,  116,  155;  at  Vicks- 
burg,  173,  174;  John  Sherman's 
opinion  of,  178,  181;  no  news 
from,  183, 191 ;  likely  to  be  caged 
up  at  New  Orleans,  203,  236. 

Baton  Rouge  arsenal  taken  pos 
session  of,  104;  Gen.  Sherman '& 
comments  on,  104-106,  107. 

Beauregard,  Gen.,  at  Bull  Run, 
126 ;  fear  lest  he  take  Washing 
ton,  126, 128 ;  144 ;  146 ;  149 ;  154 ; 
the  army  of,  not  expected  to 
hold  together,  155 ;  at  Columbia, 
S.C.,  268,  269. 

Beck,  Hon.  James  B.,  misrepresents 
Gen.  Sherman  and  Gen.  Sheridan 
in  Congress,  353-355. 

Belknap,  Gen.,  resigns  secretary 
ship  of  war,  339;  Gen.  Sher 
man's  differences  with,  346,  348; 
his  downfall,  348. 

Ben  ton  Barracks,  Mo.,  Gen.  Sher 
man  at,  136. 

Biographies,  Gen.  Sherman  op 
posed  to  printing  of,  270. 

Elaine,  James  G.,  340;  as  a  Presi 
dential  nominee,  359-361,  368. 

Blair,  Gen.,  173,  176, 182. 

Border  States,  attitude  of,  115. 

Boston,  Gen.  Sherman  refuses  to 
march  in  procession  in,  381. 

Bounties,   Gen.  Sherman  opposed 


B 


Bancroft,  George,  343. 
Bank  Law,  195,  196. 
Bankrupt  Law,  178. 


to  all,  219. 
3oyd,   Superintendent  D.  F.,   his 

letter  to  Gen.  Sherman,  271-274 ; 

visited  by  Gen.  Sherman,  327. 
Bradley,  Justice,  378. 
Bragg,  Gen.,  217. 

383 


384 


INDEX 


Brown,  John,  165. 

Buchanan,  President,  driven  into 
his  Kansas  policy,  86. 

Buell,  Gen.,  relieves  Gen.  Sherman 
in  Kentucky,  133,  135,  141,  154, 
157,162,163;  over  cautious,  166 ; 
displaced,  182. 

Bull  Kun,  battle  of,  126. 

Burnside,  Gen.,  127,  182;  relieved 
by  Hooker,  187;  besieged  at 
Knoxville,  215,  217,  374,  375 ;  an 
equestrian  statue  of,  374. 


Cadets,  Gen.  Sherman  urges  intro 
ducing  bill  to  increase  number 
of,  218;  John  Sherman's  com 
ments  on  increasing  the  number 
of,  222,  223. 

Calhoun,  Mr.,  confidence  of  Charles- 
tonians  in,  30. 

California,  W.  T.  Sherman  sails 
for,  31-36;  situation  in,  39,  40; 
gold  excitement  in,  40  et  seq. ; 
desertion  of  soldiers  in,  47;  W. 
T.  Sherman's  words  concerning 
establishment  of  route  to,  56,  57 ; 
the  value  of,  57,  370-372. 

Calkins,  Mr.,  358. 

Cameron,  Secretary,  114, 116,  117. 

Campbell,  Hon.  Lewis  D.,  280,  281 ; 
appointed  minister  to  Juarez,  in 
Mexico,  282 ;  responsible  for  re 
moval  of  Union  men  from  office, 
284;  can  deal  with  none  but 
Juarez,  285. 

Canada,  annexation  of,  proposed, 
377. 

Canals,  the,  made  in  Vicksburg 
campaign,  184, 190,  202. 

Cass,  Mr.,  30,  262. 

Charleston,  no  trouble  in  taking, 
30. 

Chase,  Mr.,  110,  165,  233;  made 
Chief  Justice,  241,  247,  248;  in 
favor  of  negro  suffrage,  250;  his 
candidacy,  312. 


Chattanooga,  battle  of,  215. 

Cheyenne  Indians,  the,  287,  320, 
322. 

Childs,  Major,  20. 

Civil  Rights  Bill,  the,  270,  276, 
278. 

Civil  War,  the,  Gen.  Sherman's  pre 
dictions  concerning,  29,  30,  84, 88, 
89,  108, 109;  inevitable,  106,  107; 
impending,  110;  begun,  112; 
John  Sherman's  predictions  con 
cerning,  112,  113;  the  need  of, 
113 ;  Gen.  Sherman's  words  con 
cerning  conduct  of,  113,  114,  227 ; 
plan  of  action  at  opening  of, 
116;  first  fighting  in  the  West, 
118,  120;  gravity  of,  112,  160, 
162, 165,  166,  169,  180,  185;  bad 
condition  of,  163,  164;  the  two 
Shermans  differ  as  to  origin  of, 
166 ;  problem  of,  to  conquer  so 
as  to  compel  respect  of  the 
South,  120;  impossible  to  make 
popularity  out  of,  185;  John 
Sherman  on  the  progress  of,  203, 
205 ;  the  people  growing  rich  in 
the,  216;  due  to  political  here 
sies,  231 ;  Gen.  Sherman's  report 
on  the  conduct  of,  257 ;  increased 
financial  activity  at  close  of, 
258. 

Clay,  Henry,  26,  379. 

Cleveland,  President,  375,  379. 

Cochran,  Gen.,  159. 

Coif  ax,  Schuyler,  Gen.  Sherman's 
letter  to,  concerning  soldiers  vot 
ing,  238. 

Colt's  patent  rifles,  12,  13. 

Columbia,  S.C.,  burning  of,  265, 
269,  376;  Gen.  Sherman's  field 
order  at,  268,  269. 

Commons,  House  of,  74. 

Compromise,  John  Sherman's 
words  concerning,  96,  97,  98, 
99. 

Confederacy,  cannot  exist  without 
an  outlet  to  the  South  and  West, 
178. 


INDEX 


385 


Congress,  admission  of  Southern 
members  to,  260 ;  its  mistake  in 
reference  to  the  Pacific  Railroad, 
270,  271;  President  Johnson's 
struggle  with,  275  et  seq. 

Conscript  Bill,  the,  193,  195,  196; 
consolidation  clause  in,  199,  200, 
204. 

Consolidation  Law,  199,  200,  204. 

Constellation  in  Southern  sky, 
33. 

Constitution,  John  Sherman  op 
posed  to  amendment  to,  96,  99 ; 
amendment  to,  280,  281,  284, 286, 
299,  368. 

Cooke,  Henry,  sustains  Gen.  Sher 
man,  250. 

Copperheads,  the,  237;  Jefferson 
Davis  despises,  238,  271;  put 
into  office,  284. 

Corinth,  Gen.  Sherman  in  camp 
at,  145  et  seq. ;  evacuated  and 
burned  by  rebels,  151 ;  occupied 
by  Northern  army,  151;  Gen. 
Sherman's  division  order  issued 
at,  151, 154. 

Corwin,  Mr.,  his  speech,  371,  372. 

Cox,  Mr.,  his  letter  on  Negro  Suf 
frage,  252,  335. 

Cullen,  Gen.,  222. 

Cullum,  Gen.,  186. 

Currency,  inflated,  223. 

Curtin,  Gov.,  93. 

Curtis,  Gen.,  175. 

Custer,  Gen.  G.  W.,  Gen.  Sherman's 
praise  of,  289. 


Dana,  Mr.,  visits  Gen.  Sherman, 
198. 

Davis,  Jefferson,  despises  the  Cop 
perheads,  238;  urges  recapture 
of  Atlanta,  242,  243 ;  Gen.  Sher 
man's  controversy  with,  362-366 ; 
says  he  never  meant  war,  376. 

Democratic  party,  the,  85-88; 
doomed,  259. 


Dennison,  Gov.,  Gen.    Sherman's 

relations  with,  129. 
"  Depew  revelations,"  the,  368. 
Dickey,  Col.,  144. 
Donelson,  Fort,  taken,  139. 
Douglas,  W.  T.   Sherman's  words 

concerning,  84,  86. 
Draft,  enforcing  the,  215,  216. 
Drum,  Adjutant-General,  375. 


E 

Elections,  the,  of  1862,  167,  169; 

Presidential,   of  1864,  207,  208; 

in  Ohio,  322,  367. 
Engineering,     W.    T.    Sherman's 

views  concerning,  10. 
England,  W.  T.  Sherman's  feelings 

towards,  7,  8;  John  Sherman's 

impressions  of,  73,  74. 
English,  W.  T.  Sherman's  words 

concerning  the,  29;  rights  of  the, 

73. 
Enlistment,  a  mistake  to  stop,  148 ; 

more  rapid,  156. 
Escobebo,  Gen.,  285. 
Europe,  convinced  that  Gen.  Grant 

and  Gen.  Sherman  accomplished 

the  military  problem,  256;  Gen. 

Sherman's  trip  to,  333-338. 
Ewing,  Ellen  Boyle,  her  marriage 

to  W.  T.  Sherman,  48. 
Ewing,  Hon.  Thomas,  4, 48,  49,  312. 
Ewing,  Philemon,  4. 
Executive,  duty  of  the,  211,  212. 


Farming,  W.  T.  Sherman's  par 
tiality  for,  12. 

Fillmore,  President,  48,  49. 

Financial  situation,  the,  150,  204, 
216,  223,  225,  233,  234;  at  close 
of  the  war,  258. 

Flags,  returning  rebel,  375. 

Florida,  description  of,  13,  14; 
wars  in,  14  et  seq.;  ship  goes 
ashore  on  coast  of,  20. 


386 


INDEX 


Foote,  Gen.,  139. 

Foraker,  Mr.,  379. 

Ford,  Gen.,  166. 

Fort  Wayne,  mob  at,  203. 

France,  government  of,  74;  free 
dom  and  equality  in,  74,  75. 

Freedmen  Bureau  Bill,  264. 

Fremont,  Gen.,  116, 157. 

French,  the,  failure  of  in  Mexico, 
285. 

Frost,  Gen.,  surrender  of,  119, 120. 

Furloughs,  losses  through,  159. 


Garfield,  President,  the  assassina 
tion  of,  350-353. 

Georgia,  difficulties  of  fighting  in, 
236. 

Georgia,  W.  T.  Sherman's  journey 
through  in  1843,  24,  25. 

Gettysburg,  207 ;  dedication  of  the 
battle-field,  215. 

Gold  discovery  and  excitement, 
and  its  effect  on  labor,  trade,  and 
prices,  40  et  seq.;  process  of 
washing  for,  45. 

Goldsboro,  Gen.  Sherman's  march 
to,  246. 

Goodwin,  Mayor  of  Columbia,  S.C., 
269. 

Grand  Gulf,  the  movement  against, 
201,  203,  205. 

Granger,  Gen.,  217. 

Grant,  Gen.,  takes  Fort  Henry, 
139,  141,  142,  144;  much  feeling 
against,  147, 149 ;  succeeds  to  Hal- 
leek's  command,  159 ;  Gen.  Sher 
man  joins  forces  with,  168,  170, 
171 ;  at  Vicksburg,  172  et  seq.;  at 
Lake  Providence,  191,  194,  198; 
starts  down  to  Carthage,  200, 
201;  opens  a  canal  from  the 
Mississippi  to  Willow  Bayou, 
202 ;  his  movements  not  approved 
by  Gen.  Sherman,  204,  209 ;  and 
wife  visit  Gen.  Sherman  in 
camp,  213,217;  Gen.  Sherman's 


friendship  with,  220 ;  ordered  to 
command  the  Armies  of  the 
United  States,  220;  Gen.  Sher 
man  goes  to  Cincinnati  with, 
223;  Gen.  Sherman's  opinion  of , 
224, 225 ;  John  Sherman's  opinion 
of,  224 ;  much  lionized,  224 ;  as  a 
leader,  225,  234,  235 ;  the  fate  of 
the  country  dependent  on  him 
and  Sherman,  236,  237 ;  not  had 
the  success  of  Sherman,  237; 
supersedes  Gen.  Sherman  in  com 
mand,  246;  John  Sherman's 
praise  of,  249,  250;  visits  Gen. 
Sherman  at  St.  Louis,  255;  his 
report  on  the  war,  260 ;  his  polit 
ical  aspirations,  269 ;  refuses  ap 
pointments  of  President  John 
son,  275, 280,  282 ;  above  politics, 
279;  said  he  would  not  accept 
nomination  for  Presidency,  292 ; 
comments  of  the  Shermans  on, 
as  a  Presidential  candidate,  292- 
295,  297 ;  inevitably  a  candidate, 
299,  312;  will  not  interfere  in 
President  Johnson's  difficulties, 
300 ;  his  letter  to  John  Sherman 
concerning  the  publication  of 
Gen.  Sherman's  private  note  to 
President  Johnson,  308,  309; 
anxious  to  have  Gen.  Sherman's 
letter  to  President  Johnson  pub 
lished,  311 ;  his  silence  as  to  his 
political  intentions,  314,  316; 
accepts  nomination,  319;  the 
Shermans'  confidence  of  election 
of,  319-321,  323;  his  election  the 
only  salvation,  321 ;  elected,  323 ; 
his  esteem  for  John  Sherman, 
323;  Gen.  Sherman's  address  of 
welcome  to,  at  Chicago,  325; 
likely  to  be  renominated,  331, 
332;  the  South  against,  331;  a 
second-term  candidate,  337-339, 
340 ;  his  difficulty  with  President 
Johnson,  369,  376. 
Greeley,  Horace,  Democratic  Presi 
dential  candidate,  337-339. 


INDEX 


387 


Gresham,  Walter  Q.,  358. 
Guiteau,  Charles  J.,  352, 353. 

H 

Haines'  Bluff,  204. 

Halleck,  Gen.,  133,  135;  his  diffi 
culties,  138,  141,  142,  154;  suc 
ceeds  McClellan,  159;  his  free 
dom  of  action,  164,  172,  179,  180 ; 
refuses  to  allow  publication  of 
Gen.  Sherman's  Vicksburg  re 
port,  186 ;  his  complete  authority 
in  army  matters,  204,  205;  will 
ruin  Grant  with  the  President, 
225;  disapproves  of  Gen.  Sher 
man's  terms  with  Gen.  John 
ston,  246,  247,  249,  250,  324; 
his  insults  to  Gen.  Sherman, 
345. 

Hampton,  Wade,  265,  267,  270. 

Hancock,  Gen.,  the  funeral  of, 
370. 

Hanlover,  the  expedition  to  the, 
16-18. 

Hannigan,  Mr.,  30. 

Hardie,  Gen.,  222. 

Harney,  Colonel,  18. 

Harrison,  Benjamin,  358 ;  and  the 
offices,  379. 

Hayes,  R.  B.,  the  Shermans  en 
dorse  for  President,  347 ;  retires 
Gen.  Ord,  355,  360. 

Helper's  book,  "The  Impending 
Crisis,"  78,  79. 

Henderson,  Mr.,  on  the  Indian 
troubles,  296;  feeling  against, 
319,  360,  362. 

"  Herald,"  N.Y.,  urges  Gen.  Sher 
man  for  President,  330 ;  on  sav 
ing  money  in  War  Department, 
347. 

Hood,  Gen.,  attacks  Gen.  Sher 
man,  240;  his  army  defeated, 
242,  243. 

Hooker,  Gen.,  relieves  Gen.  Burn- 
side,  187;  his  defeat,  204; 
dropped  by  all,  207. 


Howard,  Gen.,  at  Columbia,  266, 
268. 

Hudson,  Port,  191,  203;  capitula 
tion  of,  208,  210. 


Indians,  wars  with,  in  Florida,  14 
et  seq. ;  wars  with  in  the  West, 
287,  288,  290,  291,  293,  321;  the 
Sioux,  287,  320;  the  Cheyennes, 
287,  320,  322 ;  the  Navajos,  318, 
329;  Commission  to  visit  the; 
317  et  seq. ;  the  Arapahoes,  322 ; 
a  discussion  of  the  troubles  con 
cerning  the,  344. 

Industries,  activity  of,  in  spite  of 
Civil  War,  216. 

Italy,  Gen.  Sherman's  comments 
on  war  in,  70-72;  Gen.  Sher 
man's  impressions  of,  336. 

Jackson,  Camp,  118. 

Jay,  Mr.,  sustains  Gen.  Sherman, 
250. 

Jesup,  Gen.,  15. 

Johnson,  Andrew,  suspected  of 
enmity  against  Gen.  Sherman, 
250 ;  drifting  towards  Gen.  Sher 
man's  terms  with  Gen.  Johnston, 
257 ;  his  responsibility,  259,  263 ; 
Gen.  Sherman  agrees  with,  263, 
265;  likely  to  break  with  his 
party,  265;  suspicious  of  every 
one,  269 ;  fear  that  he  will  lend 
himself  to  the  Copperheads,  271 ; 
his  struggle  with  Congress,  275 
et  seq. ;  his  appointments,  275, 
280-282;  John  Sherman's  opin 
ion  of  the  attitude  of,  276,  278, 
279;  Gen.  Sherman's  letter  of 
good  wishes  to,  279,  280;  ought 
to  agree  to  the  amendment,  284 ; 
the  impeachment  of,  281,  289; 
change  of  feeling  in  South  for, 
289 ;  should  enforce  the  laws  as 
they  stand,  290;  Gen.  Sherman's 
advice  to,  297,  298;  the  great 
error  of,  299;  his  disagreement 


388 


INDEX 


with  Sec.  Stanton,  275,  300;  Gen 
Sherman's  correspondence  with, 
in  reference  to  coming  to  Wash 
ington,  300  et  seq. ;  endeavors  to 
make  Gen.  Sherman  Brevet-Gen 
eral,  300, 303-307 ;  publishes  Gen 
Sherman's  private  note  to  him, 
311;  acting  badly,  311;  the 
trouble  of,  with  Sec.  Stanton, 
312;  his  trial  and  impeachment, 
313-316;  Gen.  Grant's  difficulty 
with,  369. 

Johnston,  Gen.,  mistakes  of,  149; 
Gen.  Sherman  following  in 
Georgia,  234-236;  terms  of  sur 
render  of,  246-251, 257,  260 ;  Gen. 
Sherman  sends  report  on  con 
duct  of  the  war  to,  330. 

Jones,  Sam,  15,  18. 

Juarez,  282,  284-286. 


Kansas,  John  Sherman  appointed 
on  committee  to  go  to,  56; 
troubles  in,  compared  with  those 
of  San  Francisco,  61, 62 ;  supposed 
gold  region  of,  64 ;  admission  of, 
as  a  free  or  slave  State,  67,  68; 
Buchanan's  policy  in,  86 ;  a  free 
State,  96. 

Kearney,  Gen.,  34. 

Kentucky,  endeavor  to  save,  for 
the  Union,  127  et  seq.;  the  feel 
ing  and  condition  of  affairs  in, 
130-132,  134,  135;  operations  in, 
137. 

Kidnapping,  100.  j 

Kilpatrick,  Gen.,  268. 

Knox,  a  newspaper  correspondent, 
Gen.  Sherman  arrests  as  a  spy, 
188,  190;  his  trade  to  collect 
news,  197. 

Knoxville,  siege  of,  215,  217,  374, 
375. 

Ku  Kliir,  the,  330. 


Lamar,  Justice,  378. 

Law,  W.  T.  Sherman's  opinion  of, 
as  a  profession,  11,  12;  the, 
should  be  supreme,  211,  212. 

Lee,  Gen.,  207;  John  Sherman's 
words  concerning  surrender  of. 
246. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  W.  T.  Sher 
man's  words  concerning,  his 
chances  of  election,  84 ;  his  elec 
tion  and  its  effect,  85,  87 ;  South 
fear  he  will  deprive  them  of 
constitutional  rights,  95;  what 
his  party  expect  him  to  accom 
plish,  96 ;  Gen.  Sherman's  inter 
view  with,  108,  109;  did  not 
think  he  wanted  military  men, 
113;  his  failure  to  link  the 
Border  States,  115;  resolves  to 
send  assistance  to  Kentucky  and 
Tennessee,  127 ;  Gen.  Sherman's 
faith  in,  148,  150;  Republican 
Party  abandoned  by,  167 ;  places 
Gen.  McClernand  over  Gen.  Sher 
man,  181,  193,  196,  199,  200 ;  the 
last  of  old-school  Presidents, 
213;  his  proclamation,  218,  219; 
his  election  necessary  to  prevent 
disunion,  239;  his  second  elec 
tion,  241 ;  his  assassination,  248, 
251,  376. 

Logan,  Gen.,  266,  267,  289;  as  a 
nominee  for  office,  358,  360, 
361. 

[xmgstreet,  Gen.,  223. 

Losses  through  furloughs,  159. 
Louisiana,  W.  T.  Sherman  in,  76 
et    seq.;    its    secession,  89-91; 
reconstruction  difficulties  in,  342. 
Lucas,  Turner  &  Co.,  W.  T.  Sher 
man  joins  banking  firm  of,  50, 
51 ;  their  affairs  wound  up,  63. 

M 

Maine  difficulties,  7. 
Manassas,  125. 


INDEX 


389 


March  to  the  sea,  Gen.  Sherman's 
opinion  of  the,  260. 

Mason,  Gen.,  166. 

Mason,  Gov.,  40,  42,  44. 

Maximilian,  Emperor,  282-286. 

McClellan,  appointed  to  command 
Ohio  militia,  115, 116;  praised  by 
Gen.  Sherman,  121;  confident 
Beauregard  will  attack,  126; 
would  not  spare  Gen.  Sherman, 
127;  different  opinions  of  the 
Sherman  brothers  regarding,  140, 
142;  feeling  towards,  156,  157, 
159 ;  slow,  166,  182,  199 ;  a  party 
leader,  207;  nomination  of,  239. 

McClemand,  Gen.,  144, 149, 169;  at 
Vicksburg,  179 ;  supersedes  Gen. 
Sherman,  181,  191,  202. 

McDowell,  Gen.,  355. 

McPherson,  Gen.,  a  splendid  offi 
cer,  198,  202,  209. 

Meade,  Gen.,  at  Gettysburg,  207; 
not  a  favorite,  324. 

Meigs,  Gen.,  reports  Gen.  Sherman 
as  repulsed,  217. 

Memphis,  necessity  of  taking,  128; 
Gen.  Sherman  ordered  to,  159; 
Gen.  Sherman's  movements  at, 
159  et  seq. ;  and  Charleston  K.R. 
rebuilt,  215;  dinner  to  Gen. 
Sherman  at,  221. 

Mexican  War,  progress  of,  38 ;  ma 
jority  of  people  opposed  to,  38; 
treaty  of  peace  at  end  of,  46,  47  ; 
correspondence,  371 ;  injustice 
of,  372. 

Mexicans,  the,  unable  to  appreciate 
value  of  time,  285. 

Mexico,  Gen.  Sherman's  mission  to, 
282-287;  failure  of  French  in, 
285 ;  the  country  and  inhabitants 
of,  285,  286. 

Mexico,  United  States  payment  to, 
372;  annexation  of,  proposed, 
377. 

Military  situation,  bad,  163. 

Miller,  Justice,  378. 

Missionary  Ridge,  217. 


Mississippi,  the  great  problem  of 
the  Civil  War,  122;  the  grand 
field  of  operation,  128;  the, 
needed  in  its  whole  length,  155  ; 
military  division  of,  254. 

Missouri,  affairs  in,  136. 

Mitchell,  Gen.,  157. 

Mobs,  danger  of,  203,  204. 

Monterey,  W.  T.  Sherman  at,  39 
et  seq. 

Moore,  Gov.,  91 ;  takes  possession 
of  Baton  Rouge  arsenal,  104; 
Gen.  Sherman's  letter  of  resigna 
tion  to,  105,  106;  his  response 
to  Gen.  Sherman,  107. 

Morgan,  Gen.,  173,  179. 

Mormons,  threatened  war  with, 
287 ;  a  move  in  Congress  about, 
288. 

Moultrie,  Fort,  W.  T.  Sherman  at, 
22  et  seq.,-  life  at,  22,  23;  com 
pared  with  Fort  Sumter,  91. 

Muldraugh's  Hill,  Gen.  Sherman 
at,  131. 

Muskingum,  works  on  the,  7. 

Mutiny  in  regiments  of  Gen.  Sher 
man,  126. 


N 


Napoleon,  Louis,  his  message  to- 
Gen.  Sherman,  290,  292. 

Nashville,  the  victory  of,  243,  244. 

"  National  Intelligencer,"  the,  pub 
lishes  Gen.  Sherman's  private 
note  to  President  Johnson,  308, 
309;  John  Sherman's  letter  to, 
309,  310 ;  article  in,  369. 

Navajos,  condition  of,  318,  319. 

Negro,  no  disaffection  on  part  ofr 
29;  kidnapping  of  the  free,  100; 
employment  of  the,  156, 157, 195 ; 
a  difficult  problem  to  make  him 
free,  160,  161;  Gen.  Sherman's 
views  on  suffrage  of,  248,  252- 
254,  262,  298,  368;  John  Sher 
man's  views  on  suffrage  of,  251,. 


390 


INDEX 


294 ;  Cox's  letter  on  suffrage  of, 
252;  Chase  in  favor  of  suffrage 
for,  250 ;  will  occupy  a  subordi 
nate  place,  263 ;  his  right  to  hold 
property,  270. 

New  Mexico,  John  Sherman  urges 
its  admission  as  a  State,  97. 

New  Orleans,  W.  T.  Sherman  at, 
50 ;  prosperity  of,  50. 

Newspapers,  Gen.  Sherman's  in 
dignation  at  false  reports  of, 
143;  can  turn  armies  against 
their  leaders,  143 ;  down  on  Gen. 
Sherman,  186;  Gen.  Sherman's 
censure  of  correspondents  to, 
187-194;  influence  of,  189,  191- 
194;  falsehoods  of ,  190, 197 ;  dam 
age  done  by,  at  various  points  of 
the  war,  191,  192,  198;  their 
change  of  feeling  towards  Gen. 
Sherman,  196,  207,  210. 

New  York,  the  riots  of,  210;  the 
panic  in,  329. 

North,  the,  must  arm  itself,  161, 
162;  the  greatest  danger  in  the, 
162,  163;  slowness  of,  to  realize 
the  truth,  166;  its  attitude,  and 
that  of  the  South,  229-232. 

4 'No  work,  no  pay,"  a  good  law, 
170. 


Officers,  bad  feeling  among,  164. 

Ohio,  indifference  in,  128;  enlist 
ments  in,  129;  John  Sherman's 
speech  on  Ohio  volunteers, 
147,  155 ;  the  natives  of,  promi 
nent  in  Vicksburg  campaign, 
209;  the  canvass  in,  210,  214, 
255;  Gen.  Sherman's  popularity 
in,  237 ;  elections  of  1868  in,  322 ; 
elections  of  1885,  367. 

Order  issued  by  Gen.  Sherman  at 
Corinth,  151-154. 

Ord,  Gen.,  214;  retired  by  Presi 
dent  Hayes,  355,  356. 


Pacific  Railroad,  56,  58,  65,  67,  258, 
270,  271,  288. 

Pacific  slope,  56. 

Paper  money,  168. 

"Paper  soldiers"  not  required, 
121. 

Paris,  John  Sherman's  impressions 
of,  72 ;  the  people  compared  with 
the  English,  72. 

Parliament,  74. 

Patterson,  Gen.,  116, 117 ;  his  army 
on  Maryland  side  of  Potomac, 
124. 

Pemberton,  Gen.,  174, 176. 

People,  the,  right  and  wrong,  161, 
166;  no  longer  underrate  the 
power  of  the  Confederates,  195, 
196;  the  opinion  of  changeable, 
207;  ready  to  push  the  war, 
216. 

Pierce,  Fort,  W.  T.  Sherman  at, 
13  et  seq. 

Pierce,  President,  60,  379. 

Pigeon,  Cape,  35,  36. 

Pike's  Peak,  the  rush  for,  69. 

Politicians  made  responsible  by 
Gen.  Sherman  fer  civil  im 
broglio,  108, 231 ;  rebellion  attrib 
uted  to,  by  John  Sherman,  140; 
interference  of,  with  the  gener 
als,  182. 

Politics  in  1847,  38 ;  Gen.  Sherman 
advises  his  brother  to  shun,  49 ; 
John  Sherman  hopes  to  leave, 
259;  Gen.  Sherman  determined 
to  keep  clear  of,  245,  246,  248, 
277;  Gen.  Grant  and  Gen.  Sher 
man  above  ephemera  of,  279. 

Polk,  President,  379. 

Pope,  Gen.,  154,  344. 

Porter,  Admiral,  at  Vicksburg,  175, 
194;  at  Cairo,  217. 

Porter,  Gen.  Fitz-John,  relieves 
Gen.  Sherman,  128,  187. 

Portraits,  Gen.  Sherman  opposed 
to  printing  of,  220. 


INDEX 


391 


Potomac,  army  of,  condition  of 
affairs  in,  187. 

Prentiss,  Gen.,  144 ;  made  prisoner, 
146 ;  orders  back  forces  towards 
St.  Louis,  165. 

President,  no  man  of  supreme  abil 
ity  can  be,  380,  381. 

Press,  the,  see  newspapers. 


Reconstruction,  ideas  and  discus 
sions,  214,  248,  256,  261-264, 
275  et  seq. ;  John  Sherman's 
comments  on,  289,  290 ;  troubles 
in  Louisiana,  342. 

Red  River  failure,  the,  235,  236. 

Regulars  versus  raw  recruits,  111, 
112 ;  the  only  force  for  invasion, 
121 ;  versus  militia,  121. 

Reports,  Gen.  Sherman's  opinion 
on  publishing,  148. 

Republican  party,  no  signs  of  di 
vision  in  ranks  of,  67 ;  compared 
with  the  Democratic  party,  85, 
88 ;  its  policy  toward  the  South, 
85,  88;  causes  of  defeat  of  in 
1862,  167,  168;  John  Sherman 
thoroughly  attached  to,  252 ;  and 
the  South,  263 ;  friendly  to  Gen. 
Sherman,  333. 

Resumption  question,  the,  325, 326. 

Rosecrans,  Gen.,  182. 


S 


Salt,  John  Sherman's  speculations 
in,  5,  6,  7. 

Sandwich  Islands,  a  dinner  to  the 
King  of  the,  341. 

San  Francisco,  W.  T.  Sherman's 
description  of,  52,  53;  disturb 
ances  in,  58-62. 

Savannah,  the  capture  of,  241-244. 

Sawyer,  Major,  Gen.  Sherman's 
letter  to,  228-233. 

Schenck,  Gen.,  116. 

Schofield,  Gen.,  312. 


Scott,  Gen.,  his  victory  at  Cerro 
Gordo,  38,  92;  plan  of  war 
formed  by,  116 ;  Gen.  Sherman 
attached  to  staff  of,  124 ;  Wash 
ington  fatal  to,  301. 

Senate,  the,  W.  T.  Sherman's 
opinion  concerning,  53. 

Seward,  W.  H.,  W.  T.  Sherman 
favors  nomination  of,  83. 

Sheridan,  Gen.,  324,  325,  342,  344; 
misrepresented  in  Congress,  353 ; 
takes  command  of  the  army, 
355-357,  376,  377. 

Sherman,  John,  a  rodman,  2;  his 
speculations  in  salt,  5,  6;  his 
stump-speaking,  26;  sketch  of 
his  career,  37,  38;  his  opinion 
concerning  state  of  politics,  38 ; 
words  to  his  brother  on  the  lat- 
ter's  going  into  banking  busi 
ness,  52;  elected  to  Congress, 
53 ;  is  placed  on  Committee  of 
Foreign  Relations,  55 ;  appointed 
on  committee  to  go  to  Kansas, 
57 ;  his  words  on  Vigilance  Com 
mittee,  60,  61;  re-elected,  68; 
goes  abroad,  68 ;  his  impressions 
of  England  and  France,  73,  74; 
candidate  for  Speaker  of  the 
House,  77 ;  signs  for  the  "  Helper 
Book,"  78;  his  portrait  in  Har 
per's,  81;  his  speech  in  New 
York,  81,  82;  comments  on  Lin 
coln's  election,  and  its  results, 
85,  88;  urges  his  brother  to 
leave  Louisiana,  90-92 ;  his  views 
on  the  situation  and  the  rela 
tions  of  the  North  and  South, 
93-104 ;  opposed  to  amendment  to 
Constitution  or  compromise,  96- 
99;  his  plea  for  Union,  102, 
103;  approves  his  brother's 
declination  of  offer  of  chief  clerk 
ship  in  War  Department,  109, 
110;  his  belief  in  his  brother's 
talents  as  a  soldier,  109,  110 ;  his 
prediction  concerning  the  Gov 
ernment,  110,  111 ;  his  views  on 


392 


INDEX 


the  civil  war,  112, 113 ;  his  words 
of  encouragement  to  his  brother, 
140;  his  speech  on  Ohio  volun 
teers,  147-155;  talks  with  the 
President  about  state  of  the  war, 
150;  his  statement  of  condition 
of  public  affairs,  150, 151 ;  antici 
pates  war  in  cotton  States  be 
tween  blacks  and  whites,  151; 
studying  politics,  158;  wants 
war  conducted  according  to  prin 
ciples  of  civilized  warfare,  165; 
contradicts  report  that  his 
brother  had  spoken  ill  of  him, 
164;  views  on  elections  of  1862, 
167,  168;  his  opinion  of  his 
brother  as  an  officer,  178;  does 
not  favor  the  "  Bankrupt  Law," 
178 ;  his  opinion  of  Gen.  Banks, 
178;  justifies  his  brother's  ac 
tions  at  Vicksburg,  186 ;  his  ef 
forts  to  secure  the  publication  of 
Gen.  Sherman's  Vicksburg  re 
port,  186;  urges  his  brother  to 
be  moderate  with  newspaper 
men,  193;  his  laborious  duties  in 
the  Senate,  194,  195;  his  words 
concerning  the  Bank  and  Con 
scription  Laws,  195,  196;  urges 
his  brother  not  to  resign,  193, 
250 ;  his  industry  and  good  name 
in  the  Senate,  196;  his  concern 
at  the  turn  of  political  affairs, 
201;  his  words  on  the  progress 
of  the  civil  war,  203-205;  his 
comments  on  Gen.  Hooker's 
defeat,  204 ;  unable  to  alter  con 
solidation  law,  204;  not  stand 
ing  well  with  his  political  asso 
ciates,  208;  to  take  part  in 
dedication  of  Gettysburg,  215; 
his  opinion  of  Grant,  224 ;  made 
chairman  of  Finance,  241;  his 
words  concerning  surrender  of 
Gen.  Lee,  246 ;  speaks  at  Colum 
bus,  248;  his  praise  of  Grant's 
conduct,  249,  250;  his  condem 
nation  of  Stanton,  249,  250;  his 


observations  on  his  brother's 
terms  of  surrender  with  Gen. 
Johnston,  248-251 ;  his  views  on 
negro  suffrage,  251;  his  policy 
to  be  moderate  and  conciliatory, 
252;  firmly  attached  to  the  Re 
publican  party,  252;  hopes  to 
leave  politics,  259;  election  of, 
261 ;  classed  as  one  of  the  rising 
statesmen,  262;  his  comments 
on  the  Civil  Rights  Bill,  270, 
276,  278 ;  on  the  Pacific  Railroad 
Committee,  271;  his  comments 
on  Superintendent  Boyd's  letter, 
271,  272 ;  fears  President  John 
son  will  lend  himself  to  the  Cop 
perheads,  271,  276;  his  opinion 
of  President  Johnson's  attitude, 
276,  278,  279;  accompanies  his 
brother  on  a  trip  to  the  Western 
posts,  277 ;  his  political  position, 
278 ;  his  comments  on  the  Recon 
struction  Law,  289,  290;  goes 
abroad,  290;  his  comments  on 
Gen.  Grant  as  a  Presidential  can 
didate,  292,  293 ;  his  letter  to  the 
"National  Intelligencer,"  309, 
310;  his  comments  on  the  trial 
of  President  Johnson,  313-315; 
confident  of  Grant's  election, 
323;  Gen.  Grant's  esteem  for, 
323;  chances  of,  for  Treasury 
Department,  323,  324;  sure  of 
re-election  to  Congress,  333;  re- 
elected,  334, 335 ;  endorses  Hayes, 
347;  made  Secretary  of  Treas 
ury,  350;  his  feelings  as  regards 
nomination  for  Presidency,  358, 
359 ;  his  words  concerning  Blaine, 
359;  his  re-election  to  Congress 
for  the  fifth  time,  366,  367 ;  ad 
vised  by  his  brother  to  go  South, 
373,  374;  his  western  trip,  376; 
thinks  of  retiring,  358,  367,  379 ; 
for  peace,  380. 

Sherman,  William  Tecumseh,  en 
ters  West  Point,  1 ;  his  appear 
ance,  1,  3;  his  earliest  letters,  1, 


INDEX 


393 


2 ;  relations  towards  his  brother, 
1,2;  his  trip  West  with  relatives, 
4,  5 ;  visits  salt  works,  4 ;  advice 
to  his  brother  concerning  salt 
speculations,  5, 6, 7 ;  his  examina 
tions  at  West  Point,  3,  6,  9 ;  his 
feeling  towards  England,  7, 8;  his 
views  concerning  engineering, 
10;  his  opinion  of  the  law  pro 
fession,  11,  12 ;  his  preference  in 
service,  12 ;  his  leave  after  grad 
uation,  13;  his  partiality  for 
farming,  12;  at  Fort  Pierce,  13 
et  seq. ;  comments  on  the  Indian 
wars,  14 ;  his  impatience  at  pro 
longation  of  Indian  wars,  19; 
his  first  promotion,  21;  ordered 
to  Fort  Moultrie,  S.C.,  22;  goes 
on  leave  to  Ohio,  24 ;  account  of 
his  journey  through  Georgia,  24, 
25;  his  words  to  his  brother 
concerning  stump-speaking,  26; 
wishes  Henry  Clay  to  be  elected, 
26 ;  attends  wedding  of  friend  at 
Wilmington,  27 ;  his  anxiety  to 
be  sent  to  Texas,  27,  28 ;  ordered 
to  Augusta  arsenal,  Ga.,  28;  his 
views  concerning  annexation  of 
Texas,  28 ;  views  concerning  con 
duct  of  the  English  in  case  of 
war,  29 ;  his  predictions  concern 
ing  war  in  South,  29,  30,  84,  88 ; 
sails  for  California,  31;  his  de 
scription  of  journey  to  California, 
32-36;  his  opinion  of  treaty  of 
peace  at  end  of  Mexican  War, 
46,  47 ;  leaves  California,  48 ;  his 
marriage,  48 ;  advises  his  brother 
to  shun  politics,  49 ;  goes  to  New 
Orleans,  50;  resigns  from  the 
army  and  joins  banking  firm  of 
Lucas,  Turner  &  Co.,  50, 51 ;  con 
gratulates  his  brother  on  his 
election  to  Congress,  53;  his 
opinion  concerning  the  Senate, 
53;  advice  to  his  brother  as  to 
his  course  in  politics,  56,  57 ;  his 
opinion  of  Vigilance  Committee, 


58,  59,  62 ;  his  words  concerning 
route  to  California,  56,  57,  63; 
abandons  banking,  63,  64;  fails 
to  secure  reinstatement  in  army, 
64;  becomes  a  lawyer,  64;  his 
predictions  of  war,  64 ;  his  opinion 
of  the  South,  69,  70;  appointed 
superintendent  of  military  school 
in  Louisiana,  76 ;  refuses  an  offer 
from  a  banking  firm  in  London, 
76 ;  counsels  moderation  towards 
South,  77,  79;  his  opinion  of 
Helper's  book,  78 ;  his  anxiety  at 
situation  of  political  affairs,  80 ; 
well  sustained  in  Louisiana,  80  ; 
his  comments  on  his  brother's 
New  York  speech,  83 ;  his  anxiety 
increases,  83 ;  favors  nomination 
of  Seward,  83;  his  comments  on 
Lincoln's  opinions,  84 ;  on  Doug 
las,  84;  pronounced  insane  for 
demanding  75,000  men  to  defend 
Kentucky,  88;  anticipates  im 
mediate  secession  of  Louisiana, 
89,  91 ;  urged  by  his  brother  to 
leave  Louisiana,  90-92 ;  his  com 
ments  on  taking  of  Baton  Rouge 
arsenal,  104-106;  his  firm  alle 
giance  to  United  States,  105, 106 ; 
resigns  his  position  at  Louisiana 
State  Military  Academy,  105-107 ; 
visits  Lincoln,  108,  109 ;  declines 
offer  of  chief  clerkship  in  War 
Department,  109 ;  his  distrust  of 
himself,  109,  122,  123;  his  dis 
trust  of  the  preparations  of  the 
administration,  111,  112;  his 
views  concerning  conduct  of 
civil  war,  113,  114;  president  of 
St.  Louis  Railroad  Company,  114 ; 
approves  appointment  of  McClel- 
lan,  115 ;  offers  his  services  to  the 
Government,  117,  118;  his  ac 
count  of  the  first  fighting  in 
the  West,  118-120;  commends 
McClellan,121 ;  appointed  colonel 
of  a  three-battalion  regiment 
of  regulars,  121,  122,  124;  his 


394 


INDEX 


judgment  of  Thomas  and  Sykes, 
123;  attached  to  Gen.  Scott's 
staff,  124;  given  command  of  a 
brigade  in  McDowell's  army,  125 ; 
starts  to  action,  125;  at  Bull 
Run,  126 ;  goes  West,  126 ;  mutiny 
in  regiments  of,  126 ;  meets  Gen. 
Anderson,  127;  anxiety  lest 
Beauregard  take  Washington, 
126,  128 ;  his  relations  with  Gov. 
Dennison,  129 ;  his  efforts  to  save 
Kentucky,  130  et  seq. ;  ordered 
to  Muldraugh's  Hill,  131, 132 ;  in 
command  in  place  of  Gen.  Ander 
son,  133 ;  his  endeavors  to  secure 
more  men,  133,  134;  relieved  by 
Gen.  Buell,  135 ;  at  Benton  Bar 
racks,  Mo.,  136;  his  reasons  for 
ordering  Gen.  Thomas  to  fall 
back  from  London,  136,  137 ;  be 
lieves  Buell  can  manage  better 
than  himself,  138;  ordered  to 
Paducah,  139;  at  Shiloh,  141; 
wounded  in  the  hand,  141;  his 
division  made  of  bad  regiments, 
141;  indignation  at  false  news 
paper  reports,  143;  indignation 
at  deserters,  145,  146 ;  meets  his 
old  Kentucky  command,  148; 
his  faith  in  Lincoln,  148;  his 
opinion  on  publishing  reports, 
148 ;  his  official  report  on  battle 
of  Shiloh,  148,  150;  made  Major- 
General,  151 ;  his  division  order 
issued  at  Corinth,  151-154;  his 
leniency  to  the  rebels,  157;  or 
dered  to  Memphis,  159;  urges 
gravity  of  the  civil  war,  160, 
162,  165,  169,  180;  reported  as 
having  spoken  ill  of  his  brother, 
164 ;  denies  the  evil  report,  166 ; 
joins  forces  with  Grant,  168, 170, 
171;  his  remarks  on  the  attack 
on  Vicksburg,  172, 173 ;  his  severe 
judgment  of  absentees,  177 ;  John 
Sherman's  opinion  of,  as  an 
officer,  178 ;  believes  Mr.  Lincoln 
intended  an  insult  in  placing 


McClernand  over  him,  181, 182; 
resents  interference  with  the 
generals  by  politicians  at  home, 
182 ;  attacks  Arkansas  Post,  183 ; 
the  newspapers  down  on,  186; 
his  official  report  on  Vicksburg, 
181,  186;  justified  in  his  attack 
on  Vicksburg,  186;  his  censure 
of  the  press  and  newspaper  cor 
respondents,  187-194,  197,  213; 
arrests  Knox,  a  newspaper  cor 
respondent,  188;  his  opinion  of 
the  Conscript  Bill,  193;  pleased 
with  his  brother's  course  in  Con 
gress,  193;  inclined  to  resign, 
182 ;  urged  by  his  brother  not  to 
resign,  193,  250 ;  change  of  feel 
ing  towards,  196,  201,  207,  210; 
opinion  of  the  Finance  and  Con 
scription  Acts,  196,  197;  opposed 
to  consolidation  clause  in  Con 
script  Act,  199, 200 ;  encountered 
calumny  and  abuse  at  Vicksburg, 
203;  does  not  approve  Gen. 
Grant's  movements,  204;  his 
popularity  second  only  to  that 
of  Grant,  207;  his  share  in  the 
Vicksburg  campaign,  208;  his 
comments  on  the  law  and  gov 
ernment  of  the  United  States, 
211-213;  his  opinion  of  the  United 
States  as  a  country,  212;  does 
not  want  to  be  brought  East, 
213 ;  visited  in  camp  by  Gen.  and 
Mrs.  Grant,  213;  proud  of  his 
camp,  213;  cheered,  214;  re 
builds  Memphis  and  Charleston 
R.  R.,  215 ;  participates  in  battle 
of  Chattanooga,  siege  of  Knox- 
ville,  then  to  winter  quarters  in 
Alabama,  215,  374,  375 ;  with  his 
family  at  Lancaster,  Ohio,  215 ; 
reported  incorrectly  by  Meigs 
as  repulsed  at  Tunnel  Hill,  217 ; 
promoted  as  Brigadier-General 
in  Regular  Army,  214 ;  urges  in 
troducing  bill  to  Congress  in 
creasing  number  of  cadets,  218 ; 


INDEX 


395 


thinks  President's  proclamation 
unwise,  218 ;  opposed  to  all  boun 
ties,  219 ;  opposed  to  all  printing 
of  biographies  and  portraits  of 
himself,  220;  his  friendship  with 
Grant,  219,  224;  organizes  a 
cavalry  force  to  sweep  down 
towards  Mobile,  221 ;  public  din 
ner  to,  at  Memphis,  221;  goes  to 
Cincinnati  with  Grant,  223;  his 
opinion  of  Grant,  224,  225;  his 
armies'  harmony  with  and  re 
spect  for,  220,  226;  his  armies 
depleted,  226;  cares  nothing  for 
squabbles  about  the  Presidency, 
227 ;  his  views  on  continuance  of 
the  war,  227 ;  his  letter  to  Major 
Sawyer,  228-233;  relieves  Gen. 
Grant  of  the  command  of  the 
Division  of  the  Mississippi,  234 ; 
following  Gen.  Johnston  in 
Georgia,  234, 235 ;  the  fate  of  the 
country  dependent  on  him  and 
Grant,  236,  237;  his  popularity 
in  Ohio,  237 ;  his  letter  to  Schuy- 
ler  Colfax  concerning  soldiers 
voting,  238;  captures  Atlanta, 
239-241;  his  march  through 
Georgia,  240,  241;  attacked  by 
Gen.  Hood,  240;  devotion  of  his 
soldiers  to,  241,  242;  in  good 
health,  242;  his  order  issued 
after  the  capture  of  Savannah, 
242-244;  will  not  accept  a  rank 
to  rival  Grant's,  245,  304,  305, 
307;  will  not  accept  political 
office,  245,  246,  248,  277,  330,  340, 
341,  357,  360-362;  his  march  to 
Goldsboro,  246;  his  terms  with 
Gen.  Johnston,  246-251,  259,  260, 
345 ;  his  words  on  reconstruction, 
248,  256 ;  his  views  on  negro  suf 
frage,  248, 252-254;  acknowledges 
allegiance  to  no  party,  252;  or 
dered  to  St.  Louis,  252;  his 
comments  on  Cox's  letter,  252; 
bothered  by  admiring  people, 
252 ;  feels  there  is  a  desire  to  be 


rid  of  him,  253;  complains  of 
Stanton's  treatment  of  him,  253 ; 
his  military  division,  254 ;  visited 
by  Grant  at  St.  Louis,  255;  his 
report  on  the  conduct  of  the  war, 
257;  foreigners  anxious  to  see, 
257 ;  his  opinion  of  his  march  to 
the  sea,  260 ;  satisfied  with  Gen. 
Grant's  report,  260,  261;  com 
pared  to  Hannibal,  Alexander, 
and  Napoleon,  261;  dined  and 
feted  at  Detroit,  262 ;  agrees  with 
President  Johnson,  263,  265 ;  his 
comments  on  the  burning  of 
Columbia,  S.  C.,  266,  267;  his 
field  order  at  Columbia,  S.C., 
268,  269;  declines  to  be  made 
Secretary  of  War,  275,  277 ;  goes 
to  Mexico,  275,  280,  282-286;  ac 
companies  his  brother  on  a  trip 
to  the  western  posts,  277 ;  above 
politics,  279;  his  letter  of  good 
wishes  to  President  Johnson, 
279,  280;  his  comments  on  the 
situation  in  Mexico,  284-286 ;  his 
mission  to  Mexico  approved  by 
President  and  cabinet,  287;  his 
opposition  to  coming  to  Wash 
ington,  287,  288,  300  et  seq. ;  his 
praise  of  Custer,  289 ;  change  of 
feeling  for,  in  the  South,  289; 
Louis  Napoleon's  opinion  of,  290 ; 
on  commission  on  Indiantroubles, 
291,  296,  317  et  seq. ;  his  views 
as  to  Gen.  Grant  for  Presidential 
candidate,  294,  295;  counsels 
moderation  in  rule  of  the  coun 
try,  295;  summoned  to  Wash 
ington,  297,  308;  his  advice  to 
Johnson,  297,  298 ;  declines  rank 
of  Brevet  General,  300,  303-307 ; 
unwarrantable  newspaper  pub 
lication  of  his  private  note  to 
President  Johnson,  308,  309,  312 ; 
the  publication  of  the  letters  of, 
to  President  Johnson  urged  by 
Gen.  Grant,  311;  his  comments 
on  the  trial  of  President  Johnson, 


396 


INDEX 


313,  315 ;  his  confidence  of  elec 
tion  of  Grant,  319-321;  his  ad 
dress  of  welcome  to  Gen.  Grant 
at  Chicago,  325;  his  views  on 
the  money  question,  326;  his 
trip  South,  327,  328;  succeeds 
Gen.  Grant  as  Commander-in- 
Chief ,  328,  329 ;  acting  as  Secre 
tary  of  War,  328,  329;  his 
pleasure  trip  West,  329;  sends 
Gen.  Johnston  his  report  on  con 
duct  of  the  war,  330 ;  his  office 
slighted,  331-333;  contemplates 
resigning,  332;  his  European 
trip,  333-338 ;  his  impressions  of 
Italy,  336 ;  his  comments  on  the 
Presidential  candidates  of  1872, 
337,  338;  removes  to  St.  Louis, 
339-341 ;  returns  to  Washington, 
339,  350;  does  not  believe  in 
bolstering  up  weak  state  govern 
ments  with  United  States  troops, 
342;  his  memoirs,  343,  345;  his 
differences  with  Belknap,  346, 
348 ;  endorses  Hayes,  347 ;  paid 
his  own  expenses  on  European 
trip,  347,  348;  misrepresented 
in  Congress,  353-355;  retired, 
355 ;  his  comments  on  retirement 
of  officers,  356;  mentioned  for 
the  Presidency,  357,  358,  360-362 ; 
his  comments  on  the  Presidential 
names  for  1884,  358 ;  his  contro 
versy  with  Jeff  Davis,  362-366; 
speaks  at  funeral  of  Gen.  Han 
cock,  370;  his  speech  in  San 
Francisco,  370-372;  removes  to 
New  York,  373 ;  his  advice  to  his 
brother  regarding  a  southern 
trip,  373,  374 ;  speaks  at  dedica 
tion  of  Burnside's  monument', 
375 ;  his  views  on  the  returning 
of  the  rebel  flags,  375,  376;  his 
views  as  to  the  annexation 
of  Canada  and  Mexico,  377 ;  his 
words  concerning  the  Presidency, 
380,  381;  refuses  to  march  in 
procession  in  Boston,  381. 


Shiloh,  Battle  of  ,142-145 ;  deserters 
at,  145, 146 ;  echo  of,  in  the  North, 
147;  Gen.  Sherman's  official  re 
port  on,  148,  150,  155. 

Sioux  Indians,  the,  287,  320. 

Slavery,  W.  T.  Sherman's  words 
concerning,  53-55,  70;  in  the 
Territories,  97, 98, 107, 108 ;  made 
the  issue  of  the  war  by  the  South, 
222. 

Slocum,  Gen.,  268,  269. 

Smith,  Dr.  S.  A.,  89, 105. 

Southern  trip,  Gen.  Sherman's  ad 
vice  to  his  brother  concerning, 
373,  374. 

South,  the,  groundless  fears  of,  95 ; 
must  yield,  97 ;  attitude  of,  107, 
108;  strong,  vindictive  feeling 
of,  127 ;  all  armed,  160,  162,  166 ; 
stupendous  energy  of,  180;  con 
dition  of,  185;  hopes  to  worry 
the  North  out,  219;  has  made 
slavery  the  issue  of  the  war,  222; 
the  attitudes  of  the  North  and, 
229-232;  preferred  war,  232; 
beaten,  247 ;  impossible  to  guard 
the  whole,  254;  clamor  of,  for 
supposed  rights,  261;  will  need 
ten  years  to  regain  prosperity, 
262;  the  Republican  party  and 
the,  263;  representation  of,  in 
Congress,  260,  263,  265;  the  feel 
ings  of,  after  the  war,  271-274; 
must  accept  the  14th  amend 
ment,  286 ;  change  of  feeling  in, 
for  Gen.  Sherman  and  Presi 
dent  Johnson,  289 ;  solid  against 
Grant,  330. 

South  Carolina,  takes  lead  in  se 
cession,  101;  its  insignificance, 
101. 

Specie  payment,  resumption  of, 
325,  326. 

Stanton,  Secretary,  less  powerful 
than  Gen.  Halleck,  204, 205 ;  pub 
lishes  Meigs'  letter  as  semi-offi 
cial,  217,  223;  a  fast  friend  of 
Gen.  Sherman,  241, 247, 248;  John 


INDEX 


397 


Sherman's  condemnation  of,  249, 
250;  dictatorial  conduct  of,  253; 
President  Johnson's  attempts  to 
remove,  275, 300 ;  Gen.  Sherman's 
calls  on,  281,  287;  his  removal, 
311 ;  President  Johnson's  trouble 
with,  312;  his  insults  to  Gen. 
Sherman,  345. 

Stanton,  Lieut.-Gov.,  of  Ohio,  un 
popular,  214. 

State  authority  and  United  States 
authority,  120. 

States  quarrelling,  226. 

St.  Augustine,  description  of,  21; 
life  in,  21,  22. 

St.  Louis,  Gen.  Sherman  president 
of  Railroad  Company  in,  114; 
first  fighting  in,  118-120 ;  loss  of, 
fatal,  162 ;  Gen.  Sherman's  pref 
erence  for,  301. 

Stephens,  Mr.,  letter  of,  365,  366. 

Stevens,  Mr.,  263,  271. 

Stone,  Gen.,  268. 

Suffrage,  for  negroes,  see  Negroes ; 
extension  of,  261 ;  universal,  289, 
299. 

Sumner,  Mr.,  248,  263,  264. 

Sumter,  Fort,  compared  with  Fort 
Moultrie,  91 ;  fired  on,  112. 

Supreme  Court,  danger  of  rebels 
controlling  the,  378. 

Sutter,  44,  45. 

Sykes,  Capt.,  123. 


Taft,  Judge,  349. 

Tallahatchee,  Gen.  Sherman  joins 

forces  with  Gen.  Grant  on  south 

bank  of,  168,  170, 171. 
Taylor,  Gen.,  38;    his  death,  48; 

Washington    fatal    to,    301;    in 

Mexico,  371,  372. 
Tennessee,  endeavor  to  save,  for 

the  Union,  127;  movements  in, 

139 ;    Gen.  Thomas'  success  in, 

242. 
Territories,  slavery  in,  97,  98. 


Terry,  Judge,  58-60. 

Texas,  W.  T.  Sherman's  anxiety 
to  be  sent  to,  27,  28 ;  Sherman's 
views  as  to  annexation  of,  28. 

Thomas,  Gen.  Geo.  H.,  traits  of, 
123, 127 ;  ordered  by  Gen.  Sher 
man  to  fall  back  from  London, 
136,  137,  157 ;  his  success  in  Ten 
nessee,  242,  324. 

Thomas,  Gen.  Lorenzo,  312,  313. 

Townsend,  G.  A.,  his  interview 
with  John  Sherman,  381,  382. 

Treason  in  the  United  States  Gov 
ernment,  93,  94,  95. 

Tunnel  Hill,  the  assault  on,  216, 
217. 

Turchin,  Gen.,  157. 

U 

Union,  the  necessity  of  preserving, 
93;  John  Sherman's  plea  for, 
102,  103 ;  reconstruction  of,  214, 
248 ;  bound  by  indissoluble  ties, 
232;  the  breaking  up  of,  the 
beginning  of  anarchy,  237. 

United  States,  Government  of,  ad 
ministered  by  those  who  permit 
treason,  93,  94,  95;  John  Sher 
man's  prediction  concerning, 
110,  111 ;  in  flourishing  financial 
condition,  150;  authority  and 
State  authority,  120;  Govern 
ment  of,  must  be  to  an  extent 
despotic,  211-213;  a  majestic 
country,  212;  too  much  gov 
erned,  327. 


Venable,  Mr.,  273. 

Vicksburg,  campaign,  172  et  seq. ; 
Gen.  Sherman's  remarks  on  at 
tack  on,  172,  173;  plans  of 
attack,  174,  201-203,  205,  206; 
details  of  attack,  179,  180;  a 
strong  place,  180,  181,  206;  sit 
uation  at,  in  January,  1863, 183, 
184 ;  the  canals  at,  184,  190,  202 ; 


398 


INDEX 


secret  batteries  at,  revealed  by 
newspaper  correspondents,  198; 
Grant's  movement  against,  204 ; 
the  siege  of,  205,  206 ;  the  fall  of, 
206-208;  Gen.  Sherman's  share 
in  attack  and  siege  of,  208. 

Vigilance  Committee,  58  et  seq. 

Virginia  secedes,  114. 

W 

Wade,  Mr.,  199. 

Waite,  Justice,  378. 

Walker,  Mr.,  4. 

War,  see    Indian,  Italy,  Mexican 

War,  Civil  War. 
War  Department,  Gen.  Sherman 

declines  chief  clerkship  in,  109, 

110. 


Washburne,  Mr.,  340. 

Washington,  Gen.  Sherman's  op 
position  to  coming  to,  287,  288, 
300  et  seq. ;  influences  of,  301. 

Watts,  Major,  198. 

Webster,  Daniel,  370,  371,  379. 

West,  first  fighting  in  the,  118-120. 

West  Point,  W.  T.  Sherman  at,  1- 
13;  a  better  school  than  the 
army,  218;  a  bill  to  increase 
number  of  cadets  at,  218,  222, 
223;  battle  at,  239. 

Whites,  Union,  in  the  South,  cow 
ards,  344. 

Wilson,  Mr.,  248. 

Windom,  Secretary,  death  of,  381. 

Woods,  Gen.,  266. 

Wright,  Gen.,  timid,  166. 


Norfooofi  -Jfhegg : 

J.  S.  Gushing  &  Co. —  Berwick  &  Smith. 
Boston,  Mass.,   U.S.A. 


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Book  S!ip-30ra.8,'54(6210s4)458 


'"' 


Sherman,  W.T. 

Sherman  letters; 
correspondence 


Call  Number: 

EU5.7 
Slj8 


E4IS-7 


1,39159 


